Under such circumstances, if he had had the honour of being in the confidence of the Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, he should have been the last person in the world to have counselled his imperial master to touch upon so tender a topic; he should humbly have besought him to think twice or thrice, nay, even a fourth and a fifth time, before he ventured to allude to so delicate a subject-he should, with all proper deference, have requested him to meddle with any other topic he should have desired him to try every other point in the compass-he should have implored him to try what he could say about Turkey, or Greece, or even Minorca, on which he had of late been casting many an amorous glance, before he adopted the peculiar phrase of "blood flowing in the precincts of a royal palace." Mr Brougham also condemned the language used in regard to an individual, who, let his fail ings or even his crimes be what they might, must always be considered as a great and a resplendent character; who, because he was no longer either upon a throne or at liberty, or even in life, was described by them, not merely as za ambitious ruler-not merely as an arbitrary tyrant, but also as an upstart and an usurper. This was not the language which these three potentates had formerly used, nor was it the language which they were entitled to use, regarding this illustrious individual. Mr Brougham alluded to repeated instances in which these monarchs had been fain to share in his spoliations, and to accept the crumbs which fell from his table. Extraordinary as it was, it was still no less true, that after the power ful genius of Buonaparte had fallen mader the still more powerful restless

of his disposition-after his armies had perished under the severities of a northern winter, and the star of his destiny had waned under the superior infinence of that of the allies after

VOL. XVI. PART I.

they had succeeded in the contest by the call they had made upon the energies of their people, and the gallant manner in which their people had answered that call-after they had come completely victorious from the struggle, in consequence of the aid they had received from the arms, skill, and gallantry of England, without which no storm could have overpowered, no popular enthusiasm could have overwhelmed him-it was extraordinary, he repeated, but still not the less true, that these very men should be the first to imitate that policy against which they had struggled so violently, and to carry it even still farther in all its most detestable points. Mr Brougham deeply lamented, that a monarch so enlightened as the King of France should have been induced to obey the mandates of this tyrannic junta. Indeed, he had been persuaded, by the parasites by whom he was at present surrounded, to go even beyond the principles of the Holy Alliance. He had been persuaded to tell the world, that it was from the hands of a tyrant alone that a free people could hold a constitution. That accomplished Princeand all Europe acknowledged him to be at once a most finished gentleman and most able scholar-could not but be aware that all the wise and good men of former times differed with him in opinion upon this point. say," continued Mr Brougham," that if the King of France calls on either the modern Teutones or the modern Scythians to assist him in this unholy war, judgment will that moment go forth against him and his family, and the dynasty of Gaul will be changed at once and for ever." It was an abuse of terms to call the establishment of a constitutional government in Spain by the name of an insurrection; it was only a successful attempt to restore the lawful government of the country. Let the pretext, however, for the war

B

"I now

be what it might, the real cause of it was not hard to conjecture. It was not from hatred to Spain or Portugal, considered simply as Spain and Portugal, that the Allied Sovereigns were for marching their hordes into the Peninsula-it was not against freedom on the Ebro, or freedom on the Mincio, that they were making war: no, it was against freedom in the abstractit was against freedom wherever it was to be found it was against freedom by whatever men it was possessed-it was against freedom by whatever checks it was secured, and by whatever safeguards it was guaranteed. Freedom was the object of their most inveterate hate, and against freedom they were ready to employ every species both of fraud and force. They dreaded its institutions they abhorred its spirit: all the benefits which it has conferred upon mankind, all the monuments which have been raised in its honour, all the miracles which have been effected by its influence, they hated with the malignity of demons, for they were compelled to fear and tremble on the very sound of its name. It was on this account that, disguise it as they might, they could feel no real friendship for the people of this country. As long as England remained the country that she was at present, as long as Parliament formed a free and open tribunal, to which the oppressed of all nations under heaven could appeal against their oppressors, however mighty and how ever exalted-and with all its abuses, (and no man could lament them more feelingly than he did, because no man was more sensible of its advantages,) and with all its imperfections, (and no man could be more anxious to remove and amend them, because no man wished more heartily to make it worthy of the love and admiration of the country,) it was still too free to please the taste of the continental despots-so long would England be the object of

their hatred and machinations, sometimes carried on in secret, sometimes carried on openly, but always carried on with the same unremitting vigour and activity. It was idle to suppose that these armed critics could be bounded in their views by any limits of time or of country. Could the House suppose, that if there were any portion of territory in the neighbourhood of the Emperor Alexander, which appeared peculiarly suited to his views, that he would not soon be able to discover some fault or flaw in its political institutions requiring his intervention, supposing it even to be a part of the Turkish government? Nay, if his Imperial Majesty were met with his consistory of tyrants and armed critics, he believed that it would be in vain for the Ulemah, with all his tribe of learned Muftis, to plead to him that their government was of the most sacred and venerable description-that it had antiquity in its favour-that it was in full possession of "the conservative principle of social order"-that it was "replete with grand truths"— that it was "powerful and paralysed" -that it had never listened to "the fatal doctrines of a disorganized philosophy," and that it had never been visited by any such things as "dreams of fallacious liberty." He believed, that if the learned Ülemah were to argue the point just as if it was the holy Koran, still these "three gentlemen of Verona" would not turn away-in disgust, as he (Mr Brougham) should do-but would pry about for an avenue by which to enter into the territory in question, and if they could not find a way, would not be very scrupulous about making one: and the result, in one point of view, would be, that in three months from the time of deliberation, the Emperor Alexander would be at Constantinople, or at Minorca-for he had long shewn a desire to have some western provinces; and

that Austria and Prussia would be invited to look for an indemnity in any thing that England, or the King of England, might have to suit them. The principles on which this band of congregated despots had shewn their readiness to act, were dangerous in the extreme, not only to free states, for reasons which he had before explained, but also to the states over which the very members of this unholy junta presided. Resistance to them was a matter of duty, and the duty of this country was in consequence plain. It behoved us, however, to take care that we did not rush blindly into a war. An appeal to arms ought to be the last alternative we should try, but still it ought never to be so foreign to our thoughts as to be conceived impossible, or so foreign from our councils as to take us unprepared. He trusted, at all events, that the foreign enlistment bill, which ought never to have been passed, would be repealed without delay. He declared himself ready to cooperate with whatever faithful servant of the Crown, would, in the perform ance of his duty to his country, to freedom, and to the world, speak a language that was truly British-pursue a policy that was truly free-and look to free states as our best and most natural allies against all enemies whatsoever-quarrelling with none, whatsoever were the form of their government-keeping peace wherever we could, but not leaving ourselves unprepared for war-not afraid of the issue, but calmly resolved to brave it at all hazards-determined, at the same time, to support, amid every sacrifice, the honour and dignity of the Crown, the independence of the country, and every principle that is considered most valuable and sacred among civilized nations. Mr Brougham then sat down amidst a thunder of applause from all sides of the House, which did not subside for many minutes.

Sir James Mackintosh, though he conceived nothing could improve or add to the force of Mr Brougham's speech, felt himself yet bound to listen to the appeal made by Sir J. Yorke to all members, to deliver their opinions on the state of Europe at the present critical and awful moment-at a moment when a war was about to be commenced subversive of the law of nations-subversive of all the rights of independent states a war tending to involve all Europe in general hostility, and most especially affecting the security of his Majesty's dominions, the honour of his Crown, and the prosperity of his people-a war levelled at the glory, the liberty, and the security of Great Britain more than any other country of the world. The allies at the Congress of Verona had declared, that no institution could be good, or ought to exist, that did not flow from the will of the sovereign. This principle, which was avowed, contained in itself a declaration of war against the character of this country-against all its best and noblest institutions; it was a libel upon all the generations of our ancestors, a slander upon the very title to the crown. It declared, that those who secured and established British liberty were conspirators against the holy rights of kings; that George IV. himself was a usurper, and King Wil liam only the chief of a lawless banditti. It proclaimed as traitors those who had extorted Magna Charta from a tyrant, rendered the privileges of the House a mere assumption, and the occupation of the throne of these realms a

violation of that great, just, profound, liberal, and enlightened monarchical principle which was to be applied to the affairs of Spain. Governments adopting such a principle were, in point of fact and justice, at war with all independent states: they were the enemies of all who did not choose to submit to any yoke they thought fit

to impose, and it then became only a question of policy and prudence with independent states, what time they would choose for asserting their rights, in defiance of a band of haughty and overbearing conspirators against the liberties of the world. He considered the meditated aggression by France against Spain and Portugal, in a geographical, military, national, and every other sense, upon the principle promulgated by the King of France, as the most unrighteous, unprovoked, wanton, lawless, and flagitious attack ever made by one state upon the liber ties of another. He maintained that the people of Spain had shewn the most magnanimous forbearance, and he prayed to God that they might continue a line of conduct that reflected so much honour on their national character; and he hoped that they would not be betrayed into any excesses, which would only serve the cause of their bitterest enemies. Upon this subject he felt the strongest interest. He looked upon the deliverance of Spain as the noblest monument of British valour, and he saw that the object of this ungenerous invasion was to rob this country, if possible, of the laurels of Talavera, Vittoria, and Salamanca. It was an attempt on the part of France to steal from Great Britain the triumph, which the one had gloriously gained and the other ignobly lost. It was an attack upon the honour and character of this country. He knew, and was ever ready to acknowledge, that in the late war much was to be attributed to the invincible spirit and noble courage of Spaniards; but he knew also that no nation had contributed more than Great Britain to their happiness and independence. He felt strongly, and he spoke strongly; he sought for no qualification of his language, no retreat from responsibility. He had embarked his powers and his heart in the cause

of Spain: it was his most ardent hope that the people might triumph over the detestable combination against their liberties; but whatever might be the fate or fortune of their arms, he should never regret the part he had taken, the sentiments he had expressed. Bitter, indeed, would be his grief, if he saw this fine, this brave, this generous nation,compelled to submit to the haughty dictation of a conqueror; for in the history of the world there never was a holier struggle against a more degrading tyranny. On the one side was all that was dear to man, his best rights, his noblest privileges; on the other, all that was unjust, detestable, and flagitious.

Mr Peel, in the Commons, spoke the sentiments of ministry. He expressed the same total want of concurrence in the principles and conduct of the allied powers; yet he, at the same time, sought somewhat to break the force of that indignant vituperation which had been launched against them from the opposite side. With regard to our own conduct, a time would come when a full explanation would be given of it, and he was sanguine enough to hope, that the explanation of it would be satisfactory to all parties. His Majesty had repeated his determination to adhere to the principles which this government had laid down first in 1795, and subsequently at a later period in 1821, respecting the right of one nation to interfere in the concerns of another. He conceived these principles to be, that every state was sovereign and independent, and was the only judge of the reforms and modifications which were necessary in its government; that, whatever course it might pursue in its internal concerns, of that course it was the sole and only judge; and that every other doctrine was as subversive of national independence as the attempt of one individual to force upon another any specific line

of conduct would be subversive of individual independence. The rights of states, however, like those of individuals, were subject to the interference of other states, if the exercise of them tended to the general injury. That injury, however, ought not to be of an imaginary or speculative kind-it ought to be of a nature clear to the feelings, and palpable to the sight of every man; and of the necessity of making such an interference, each state, for the reasons he had before mentioned, ought to be the chief judge. With regard to the affairs of Spain, he could only observe, that, as far as we were concerned, there was nothing in her institutions that could warrant our interference with them. He trusted, however, that Spain would admit some changes in what was called the Spanish constitution, because be believed that such changes would tend to the advancement of her best interests, and the promotion of her best rights. It was his opinion, that it was not only an act of justice, but also an act of duty, for one friendly state to represent to another the expediency of such changes; but in making that statement, he by no means intended to say that the grounds stated by the King of France for interfering in the affairs of Spain were such as warranted his interference; on the contrary, he meant to say that he thought them not adequate. He still did not consider war as quite inevitable; and while there remained a chance of preserving peace, he would not drop a word which could diminish that chance. It appeared to him, that the speech of the King of France might bear a meaning less obnoxious than that which had been imputed to it; and while such was the case, it appeared fair to give him the benefit of such meaning. He could not approve of the language which Mr Brougham had used respecting the allies. It ought not to be forgotten, that those whom the honourable gentleman

had arraigned with such sarcastic severity, had joined with us in a common effort to repel a common danger. When, too, the honourable gentleman spoke of that "great and resplendent character," Buonaparte, he confessed that he had heard him with regret. Let him remember the exertions we had made with our allies against the atrocious violence of that individual. When the honourable gentleman was speaking of Spain, when he was reprobating so strongly the interference of foreign powers, it was strange indeed that he should call that man "a great and resplendent character," who, with regard to Spain, had notoriously been guilty of the basest duplicity. Had the honourable gentleman forgotten, while attempting to fasten on our allies all the crimes to which he had adverted, that the individual he had so mistakenly panegyrised had been guilty of every one of them? Had he forgotten that he had broken all promises, disregarded all treaties, murdered princes, and subjected independent states to the most unjust oppression? Above all, had he forgotten that this "great and resplendent character" had borne the most ferocious enmity towards this country, that had ultimately been the cause of his downfal? He hesitated not to consider Austria justifiable in her interference with the affairs of Italy; at all events, this country had been no party to it; and Austria herself had now entered into a sti pulation for withdrawing her troops. Mr Peel endeavoured to call the attention of the House to the internal state of the kingdom. He was confident they had heard with the utmost satisfaction, both that there would be a reduction in the estimates for the service of the year, and that his Majesty would be enabled, consistently with the maintenance of public credit, to recommend a further and a larger remission of taxes, Although, perhaps, rather irregular,