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the rest of the world. As long as I am a Liberal politician, I must be a Free-Trader, but we cannot have freetrade unless other things are freeunless we have free minds. Is it necessary to retain that wrong principle of dear money? Is it necessary to establish that principle which makes trade expensive and almost impossible? I say no. It is the duty of this House to make money cheaper. There is no manufacturer, no process of human industry which will not be ruined by 7, 8 and 10 per cent interest; it is only a question of time. It is ruining the United States, which

Owes over

should be the duty of the Government to regulate it. When that time arrives money will be the rule instead of the exception; at present credit is the rule and money the exception.

rate

A system based upon ready money is honest, and a system founded upon credit is dishonest. The whole of the panic to which we have been subjected, has related to the mercantile portion of the community; for in point of fact the farmers in Upper Canada are as well off as ever; and if every merchant in the country were to fail, it would not at all impoverish the agricultural classes. But if the grasshopper or the drought $7,000,000,000, while the assessment came to Canada and destroyed twenty is $1,400,000,000. That country has or fifty per cent. of the agricultural grown by immigration, by its climate productions, the entire country would and soil, and liberal principles of suffer. I believe in free-trade-and Government—it has grown in spite in direct taxation, which would be of those conditions. In the United levied, if in existence amongst us at States to-day, in England, and in Cana- the present moment, at the at the da, I hope, there are a great many men of $6 per head. A labouring man struggling for free trade and free who earns at least $300 per annum, money. And are we going to throw cold probably expends $200, paying in water on their energies by saying that reality on his purchases a duty this free, rich country of Canada is amounting to about $50, while, under retrograding and adopting principles the system of direct taxation, he which are obsolete? The great diffi- would not be required to contribute culty in Canada, as in England and the more than $5 or $6 per annum to United States, is that the servant is the revenue. The result of the presgoverning the master-that the work- ent state of things in this reing interests are governing the indus- lation is that the country is intrial interests of the country; and until conveniently and very heavily taxed, this thing is changed we shall always and the system is a bar to the success have panics, which will grow worse of the lower strata of society, while every time. It is no businesss of ours direct taxation gives these classes a whether the merchants fail or not; chance, and enhances the prosperity of they are mere speculators, buyers and the people. I hear that there is a sellers, the mere agents of the interests deficit; well, suppose that there be a of the country. We should not stul- deficiency of a few millions of dollars tify the agricultural, mechanical and during the present year, it is simply other interests for the purpose due to this condition of affairs, and it of supporting their speculations and is useless to attempt to recover this amending the difficulties they have loss by means of additional taxation at created by their speculative ideas. the present time, although I will likely They talk about the United States support any measure the Finance sending goods here to slaughter in our Minister may bring down. I hope market. England does the same thing; that trade will not be disturbed, and she sends her surplus goods to New changes in the tariff eveu affect York, &c. Why, we sell oil at home for traders; and I trust that the tariff will 30 cents per gallon and send it out and be let alone, in which event, a surplus sell it for 15 cents. Everybody acts making up for the existing deficit will on this principle. The great evil, be secured. I imagine that we as I before said, consists of the had obtained a satisfactory tariff money system, which ought to rest last year, though I did not examine it on the good faith of the nation. The The very carefully, and I consider that if the people owing it should make it, and it present conditions be continued―

instead of a deficit, we will have a surplus during next year, or at all events within a short period. I strongly deprecate any change in the tariff, unless it be for the introduction of free-trade and free money. I would rather hear this subject discussed in the House, than in a Committee composed wholly of extreme or incidental Protectionists.

Mr. MACDONALD (Toronto)—I (Toronto)-I was a good deal amused, Mr. Speaker, by the remarks of the hon. member for Welland. He said this was a House in which in the interests of all were to be protected, and yet, in the same breath, he announced himself as a FreeTrader-which means the extinguishment of all the capital that every manufacturer has invested in the country. I intend in the discussion of this question to keep in my mind simultaneously three thoughts the manufacturer, the consumer, and the revenue,and if I do fairness to the one I am bound to do equal fairness to the other. It is perhaps due to the House that I should say a word or two as the hon. member for Bothwell did me the honour to ask me to sit on the Committee. It is some years since I sat in this House, and I must confess that from last time to this, I have not been reading the debates or looking up parliamentary figures. But certain Blue Books have been placed on the table since I entered the House this time, from which I have collected certain figures and have endeavoured to reach rational conclusions. I find that in 1868 the imports from all sources amounted to $73,459,644, and five years afterwards those imports had grown to $128,000,000. Is there any cause for enquiry with such an exhibit as that?

If I am rightly informed the increase in the population, as taken in the decennial census of 1871, was about 12 per cent. I have here, then, a lapse of five years only. Now, if I assume for a the purpose of putting this case before the House that the increase during the next decade will be 15 per cent., we have then, an increase in these rive years of seven and a half per cent., an increase of imports of 75 per cent. No country in the world but Canada could have stood such an enormous strain, and no better proof of the wonderful

pro

elasticity of the country could be
duced than that it could maintain such
a strain without injury to its credit. Sev-
eral gentlemen who have preceded me
have stated that American goods have
been slaughtered in this country. That
may be right. I don't pretend to
express an opinion about branches of
trade that I know nothing about, but I
have reason to believe that American
are not
and other manufactures
My
slaughtered in this country.
reason for making this statement is
this: that the large houses of the
United States publish their prices, and
no man, no matter what his wealth or
influence, or what country he comes
from, can buy them cheaper than the
price list. In certain places in the
United States goods are sold cash
The fact is that
before delivery.

silently there is a work going on that
Any man that
has been unobserved.
takes the trouble to carefully look at
the following figures will be astonished
at the result. Take from 1872 to 1875,
and the result is startling :

Comparative statement of the imports into Canada from Great Britain and the United States, for the financial years 1872-73, and 1874-75 :—

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Hardware, Spades, Shovels, &c.

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Great Britain.

United States,

196,916
91,399

37,208 to.

114,115

66,036 232,590

119,830 127,901 that

ability is, can tell what they point to. I can only say if the same facilities for obtaining money were afforded in the United States that are afforded in Great Britain, these figures would be so changed in six months, that they would astound every man on the floor of this House. When the time comes for this debate I shall 1,517,913 be able to show the causes which have 2,201,446 led to this wonderful excess of importation. I hold that the slaughter has come from Great Britain; I hold that the over production has been due to the cheapness of credit obtained in Great Britain; I hold that it 95,965 is the excess of the goods of 47,460 Great Britain thrown on our markets that has paralyzed our manufactures, and that the depression of trade has not been the result of the tariff, but of the injudicious use of credit and lack of business ability. While it 202,589 shall be my duty to do everything that 100,459 I think right for the manufacturers to have, and for the manufacturers to ask, I will also hold it to be my duty to guard the interests of the consumer and pay due deference to the revenue of the country, and to the suitable protection of those energetic men who have invested their means to develop the resources of the country. I think if we were to utilize the markets in the 12,005 British Islands in the West Indies we 424,624 would have another outlet for our surplus manufactures.

22,090
60,238

68,954 168,803

24,930
53,083

188,114 243,825 Here are facts I wish to bring before "the House, that while the importations from Great Britain have been steadily declining, those from the United States have been as steadily increasing. Take the time between 1872 and 1875, and imports from Great Britain have decreased three millions, while the im

ports from the United States have

increased fifteen millions. Go further back and take the imports from 1868, and you will find that the increase of imports from the United States during that period is nearly twenty-two millions. These quotations are very significant I don't pretend to say what they point to. No gentleman in this House, or in the country, matter what his commercial

no

Hon.

Mr. CARTWRIGHT

My right hon. friend from Kingston opposes the motion of my hon. friend from Bothwell because he alleges that his motion is to enquire into the state of the nation; but he will remember that during his own reign he had no objection to any number of Committees of a similar character. No longer ago than in 1873 the right hon. gentleman consented to a Committee to report on

the extent and condition of the manu

factures of the Dominion.

Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD-Hear, hear.

Hon. Mr. CARTWRIGHT-To all

intents and purposes that is the object of my hon. friend from Bothwell.

Hon. Gentlemen-No!

Hon. Mr. CARTWRIGHT-By the terms of his motion he did not propose

CRIMINAL LAW AMENDMENT ACT.

Hon. Mr. BLAKE introduced a Bill to amend the Criminal Law relating to violence, threats and molestations. He said-A Bill on this question was introduced last Session by my prede

to equire into the state of the nation, but into the causes of the depression of trade, and the financial distress affect ing a certain portion of the nation Our records are full of motions similar to all intents and purposes, and I have not the slightest doubt if it is the opinion of the House that this Com-cessor, to ameliorate the existing conopinion of the House that this Com- dition of the law on that subject. mittee should be appointed, it should Since then it has been extensively disbe granted in the shape the re- cussed, and legislative action has been solution has recommended. Still, taken by the Imperial Parliament. I beg to say that there is really no The present Bill comprises the points of difference whatever between a Com- that of last Session as well as new matmittee to enquire tnto the condition of ter, which the discussion in England has the community, and the commission shown necessary with reference to the alluded to in his remarks. I am not law of conspiracy. I propose to introduce one new provision. With some slight modifications I propose to combine the provisions of the law in England with those of the Act introduced last Session, and will enter into a full explanation on the second reading of the Bill,

going into a general discussion of the policy of the Government at this time. I will simply say that the right hon. gentleman will find at the proper time that this Government are not disposed to shirk one iota of the responsibility that belongs to them. We understand how to frame our policy and know how and when to bring it down to this House.

Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD-I do not object to the motion of my hon. friend, but I say it is a motion of want of confidence, as every motion of this kind is. I have not the slightest objection that this Committee should be appointed and that my hon friend should sit in judgment on the acts of the Govern

ment.

Hon. Mr. MACKENZIE--As this matter stands over until after six on Wednesday, I think I shall be prepared at that time to show that the right hon. gentleman has somewhat different views of motions of want of confidence.

The House adjourned at Six o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

THURSDAY, February 17, 1876. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Ten minutes past Three o'clock.

PRIVATE BILL.

The Bill was read the first time.

CASES AGAINST THE CROWN. Hon. Mr. BLAKE moved for leave to introduce a Bill "To make further provision for the institution of cases against the Crown by Petition of Right.' He said-You will recollect that last Session the hon. member for Hamilton framed a Bill on this subject which became law. At that time it was the general sentiment of the House and country, while willing to accord to British subjects that remedy they enjoyed in England in matters in which the Crown in Canada was concerned, that the Court created by this Parlia ment, and whose procedures were controlled by this Parliament, should be the tribunal to administer this remedy ―a delicate and new one in this country. There is also another reason for introducing an amendment. Provision was made by which the right of the subject was restricted to a greater degree than in England, a class of cases which under the English law can be referred to arbitration, are excluded from being cognisable by our Court. That clause embodied a very large class of cases in which the subject, according to the English law, has the right of complaint against the Crown. I propose by this measure to give the

Mr. SCATCHERD introduced a Bill to incorporate the National Ex-subject the right to apply for a petichange Company.

tion in all those cases in which he can

file a petition in England, and to give | to the Minister the right within two months from the presentation of the petition of determining whether the subject-matter should be referred to arbitration, or whether he will permit the trial to be granted. The other portions of the measure are almost entirely matters of detail. The old Bill was copied from the English law, and is very prolix and somewhat obI have endeavored to simplify and transform it into a more intelligent shape.

scure.

Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD thought

the

amendments introduced were desirable. He enquired if there was any provision in the Bill, for an appeal from the arbitration.

Hon, Mr. BLAKE-No; there is no appeal.

Sir JOHN A. MACDONALDThen I will ask if it is proposed that the Supreme Court, to whom the petition will be referred, will have the power of judging of matters of fact as well as matters of law.

Hon. Mr. BLAKE-Yes. In view of possible difficulties arising, I have inserted an express provision that evidence may be taken partly at one place and partly at another. I propose to try the cases without juries.

Sir JOHN A. MACDONALD—I am very glad to hear that. My experience in such matters is, that where the Crown is one party, and a private subject the other party, seeking for compensation, the Crown always goes to the wall. There is one more question I wish to ask. Is there a clause defining the discretionary power of the Minister?

Hon. Mr. BLAKE-There is no such clause. The subject is given precisely the same rights as he had in England at the time the Rights Act was passed. The Bill was read the first time.

THE NORTH-WEST TERRITORY.

Hon. Mr. MACKENZIE moved for leave to introduce a Bill respecting the North-West Territory, and to create a separate territory out of part thereof. He said-We find that there is likely to be a good deal of inconvenience from the North-West Territories, including all that portion of our country

east of Manitoba and west of the boundary of Ontario. The Province of Manitoba wishes to increase its boundaries northward, westward, and eastward; but until the question is decided as to where the limits of Ontario may ultimately be fixed, it is impossible to take any steps towards enlarging the boundaries of that Province without the risk of having it reconsidered, probably, at the very next Session. I have thought it advisable on the whole, to detach a portion of country immediately north and east of Manitoba, from the North West Territories proper, and to have its affairs administered by the Governor of Manitoba without the intervention of any council, and without incurring any expense whatever. The boundary proposed in the Bill is to commence where the western coast of Lake Manitoba intersects the northern boundary of that Province, proceeding northward along the western coast of that Lake to the portage between its waters and Lake Winnepegoosis, thence proceeding on eastern shore of Lake Winnepegoosis to Mossy Portage, a small neck of land

the

between the Saskatchewan

River and this Lake, and thence due northward from that point. The Bill recapitulates certain provisions. of the North-West Territories Act of last Session, which will be made applicable to that Territory. As soon as the boundary between the Dominion and Ontario is settled in that quarter, the probability is, Manitoba will have its limits enlarged. The Government of that Province have sought to have its boundaries enlarged at the present time, but we felt it would be inconveni

ent to have this done in the east at the present time without knowing the precise place to where we would go. If the conclusions of the hon. member for Bothwell be correct, Manitoba and most of the North-West Territory will belong to Ontario. As I judge it, a more reasonable conclusion may probably be safely predicted, that will send it a considerable distance east of the present boundary. This is simply a provisional arrangement, which will come to an end as soon as we have that boundary settled. My first thought was to make Lake Winnipeg the limit, but it seemed more convenient to have

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