56

TWO MONGOL EMPIRES IN PERSIA AND CHINA.

with the remark, "I thought that, had my God bestowed on me the gift to work such miracles as Moses did, I might perhaps have converted the great khan."

By these Mongols, two great empires were founded, where their government must have had an important influence on the situation of the Christian church. One was the empire founded by the khan's brother, Hulagu, after the year 1258, in Persia; the other, the principal Mongol empire in China. Within the former, indeed, was the original seat of the Nestorian Church, where it had already been favored by the Mohammedans. The new conqueror was induced by his wife, a Nestorian Christian, to favor Christianity still more. Besides, there were matrimonial alliances of the succeeding princes with the families of the Byzantine emperors, and political interests which brought them into relation with the European princes; and they were sometimes led thereby to represent themselves as still more inclined to Christianity than was really the case. The popes, down to the close of the present period, availed themselves of the opportunity furnished by these relations, to send monks as missionaries to Persia. But the favor thus shown to Christianity excited a jealousy so much the more violent on the part of the Mohammedan class of the people; and a contest arose between them and the Christian party which terminated in a complete victory on the side of the former, and violent persecutions of Christianity.

As it regards the principal empire of the Mongols in China, it is to be remarked that the religion of this people here obtained for the first time a determinate shaping, in the form of Lamaïsm, the creation of a hierarchy which sprang out of Buddhism. The Mongols could not withstand the influence of the elements of culture already existing in that country. Koblaikhan, the founder of this empire, distinguished himself above the earlier Mongol princes as a friend of education. In religion, he seems to have fallen in with a certain eclectic tendency. He had a respect for all religious institutions, and especially for Christianity; though he was very far from being himself a Christian.

His court was visited by two merchants belonging to the Venetian family of the Poli. They were favorably received, and resided with him for some time. He finally sent them back to Europe, in company with a man of his own court, with a commission to procure for him, from the pope, a hundred learned men, who should be well instructed in Christianity; but their return from Rome was delayed by the two years vacancy which befell the papal chair in 1272. Gregory the Tenth having been elected pope in 1274, sent them back to China, with two learned Dominicans; and one of the two Venetians took with him his son Marcus, then fifteen years old. The young man made himself accurately acquainted with the languages and customs of those nations; he gained the particular favor of Koblaikhan, was employed by him on various occasions, and after his return, in 1295,1 composed his account of these regions, from which we obtain our best knowledge

'De regionibus orientalibus, libri iii.

MONTE CORVINO A MISSIONARY IN THE EAST.

57

A person who pro

respecting the state of Christianity in the same. fessed to be a Christian (probably after the Nestorian fashion) had rebelled against Koblaikhan. He mounted the cross on his banner, and moreover employed several Christians in his service. The Jews and Saracens in the army of Koblaikhan, took occasion from this, after that rebel had been conquered, to attack Christianity: "Here," said they, "is seen the weakness of Christ. He could not procure his friends the victory." But Koblaikhan, when the Christians complained to him of these reflections, took their part. "It is true," said he, "the rebel did look for aid to the Christian's God; but He, being a good and righteous God, would not uphold wickedness;" and he forbade, for the future, all such calumnious remarks on the God of the Christians, and on the cross.1

At the close of the thirteenth century, and in the beginning of the fourteenth, a man labored in these districts, in whom we recognize the pattern of a true missionary, the Franciscan, John de Monte Corvino. He seems to have appeared first in Persia, in the city of Tauris (Tabris). From Persia he travelled, in the year 1291, to India, where he remained thirteen months. He was accompanied by the Dominican Nicholas de Pistorio, who died there. In different districts, he succeeded in baptizing a hundred persons; and in the second letter which he wrote to Europe, he declared it as his belief, that "great results might be expected to follow the preaching of the gospel in those regions, if substantial men of the order of the Dominicans or Franciscans would come there." From India he travelled to China; and at length settled down in the capital and residence of the great khan, the city of Cambalu (Pekin). In two letters written in the years 1305 and 1306, he drew up, for the members of his order, a brief report of his adventures and labors. During eleven years he had labored entirely alone, when he was joined, in the year 1303, by Arnold, a Franciscan from Cologne. In addition to other obstacles he had to encounter much opposition from the Nestorians, who would not suffer any man to move a step if he refused to join their party. They invented many false charges against him, which were often the means of bringing him into great peril. He was frequently obliged to defend himself before the courts, till at length, by one confession, his innocence was clearly proved; and the khan (Koblai's successor, Timur-khan), provoked at his false accusers, punished them with banishment. He found that it was not in his power, indeed, to convert the Chinese emperor, to whom he brought a letter from the pope; but still that potentate treated him with favor, and did the Christians many acts of kindness.4

This distinguished man, displaying the wisdom of a genuine missionary, spared no pains in giving the people the word of God in their

1 See Marco Polo, lib. ii, c. 6. Regiones sunt pulcherrimae, plenae aromatibus et lapidibus pretiosis, sed de fructibus nostris parum habent.

3

First published in Wadding's Annals.

t. vi; then in Mosheim's historia eccles. Tartaror.

Qui tamen nimis inveteratus est idolatria, sed multa beneficia praestat Christianis.

58

HIS MODE OF CONDUCTING THE MISSION.

own language, and in encouraging the education of the children, as well as training up missionaries from among the people themselves. He translated the New Testament and the Psalms into the Tartar language, had these translations copied in the most beautiful style, and made use of them in preaching. He purchased, one at a time, a hundred and fifty boys, under the ages of seven and eleven, who were as yet utterly ignorant of any religion; baptized them; gave them a Christian education, and taught them Latin, Greek, and psalmody. Already during the first years of his residence in Cambalu, he was enabled to build a church, in which, with the assistance of those boys who had been trained up by himself, he recited the liturgy, so that he could truly say, "I hold divine service with a troop of babes and sucklings." In this church he set up six pictures, representing stories from the Old and New Testaments, together with explanatory remarks in the Latin, Persian, and Tartar languages, for the instruction of the uneducated people.3 It gave him great satisfaction when he found it in his power to erect a second church in the vicinity of the emperor's palace. A rich and pious Christian merchant, whose acquaintance he had formed in Persia, Peter de Lucalongo, purchased a piece of property on this site, and made him a present of it. This church, which he built in the year 1305, stood so near the walls of the palace, that the emperor in his private cabinet could hear the church psalmody;5 and the emperor took great delight in the singing of children. Monte Corvino now divided the boys between the two churches. He had, during his residence in this place, baptized from five to six thousand; and he believed that, had it not been for the many plots laid against him by the Nestorians, he would have succeeded in baptizing above thirty thousand. In the first years of his residence in that place, he met with a certain prince, George, a descendant of the priest-kings. This person was persuaded by him to pass over from the Nestorian to the Catholic church. He conferred on him the inferior ecclesiastical consecration; after which, the prince assisted him, dressed in his royal robes, in performing divine worship. This prince had induced a large portion of his people to embrace the faith of the Catholic church, had built a magnificent church, and Icaused it to be called after a Roman name. It had also been his intention to translate the whole Roman liturgy into the language of his people, and introduce it into his church; but he died in the year 1299, too early to accomplish his design. He left behind him a son, still lying in the cradle. This son was baptized by Monte Corvino, who, as his god-father, called him after his own name, John.

1 Quae feci scribi in pulcherrima litera eorum, et scribo et lego et praedico in patenti et manifesto testimonium legis Christi. 2 Cum conventu infantium et lactentium divinum officium facio. Practice had to supply the place of a breviary provided with notes. Et secundum usum cantamus, quia notatum officium non habemus.

Ad doctrinam rudium, ut omnes lin

guae legere valeant.

Inter curiam et locum nostrum via sola est, distans per jactum lapidis a porta Domini Chamis.

5

* In camera sua potest audire voces nostras, et hoc mirabile factum longe lateque divulgatum est inter gentes et pro magno erit, sicut disponet et adimplebit divina clementia.

INFLUENCE OF THE CRUSADES.

FRANCIS OF ASSISI.

59

But the Nestorians now succeeded in once more obtaining the mastery in this country; and all that had been done by Monte Corvino in the interest of the Catholic church, fell to the ground. "Being alone," he wrote," and not permitted to leave the emperor, it was out of my power to visit churches situated at a distance of twenty-days journey; nevertheless, if a few good helpers and fellow-laborers should come, I hope in God, that all our hopes will be made good, for I still retain the privilegium given me by the deceased king George." For two years he had access to the emperor's court, and as papal legate, was more honored by him than any other ecclesiastic. He was convinced, that with two or three more assistants to stand by him, he might have succeeded in baptizing the emperor himself. In his two letters he urgently begged for such assistants, but they should be brethren, who would seek to stand forth as examples, and not to make broad their phylacteries. Matthew, 23: 5. "I am already become old," says he, in one of those letters, "but I have grown grey by labors and hardships, rather than by the number of my years, for I have lived but fifty-eight years." The pope made this excellent man archbishop of Cambalu, and sent seven other Franciscans to assist him in his labors.

The crusades promoted intercourse between the East and the West, but the connection thus brought about between the Mohammedan and Christian races was not of such a kind as to prepare the way for the exertion of any religious influence on the former; although that which Mohammedanism had already borrowed from Judaism and Chris tianity, as well as the intrinsic contradictions contained within itself, might have furnished the means and occasions for such an influence. Moreover, the vicious lives of a large portion of those who were led to the East by the crusades, were but poorly calculated to produce on Mohammedans a favorable impression of the religion which these men professed. But it is apparent from individual examples, how much might have been effected here by the gospel if it had been preached with Christian enthusiasm, and illustrated by holy living. When a Christian army, in the year 1219, was besieging the city of Damietta (not far from the present Damietta),2 in Egypt, Francis of Assisi,3 stood forth in that army as a preacher of repentance, and from thence he was impelled by his burning zeal, to go over to the Mohammedan army, which had arrived for the relief of the city. He was dragged as a captive before Malek al Kamel, the sultan of Egypt. The sultan, however, received him with respect, allowed him to preach several successive days before himself and his officers, and heard him with great attention. He then sent him back, in the most honorable manner, to the camp of the Franks, saying to him, as he took leave, "Pray for me, that God may enlighten me, and enable

'Ego habeo in curia sua locum et viam ordinariam intrandi et sedendi sicut legatus Domini Papae, et honorat me super omnes alios praelatos, quocunque nomine

censeatur.

? See Wilken's Geschichte der Kreuzzüge Bd. vi, p. 186.

3 Of whom we shall speak more at large farther on.

60

STORIES TOLD OF FRANCIS BY JACOB DE VITRY.

me to hold firmly to that religion which is most pleasing to him." This story we have from an eye-witness, Jacob de Vitry, bishop of Acco (Ptolemais, St. Jean d'Acre), in Palestine, afterwards cardinal, who was then present in the army there assembled. In a letter written immediately after the capture of Damietta, in which he drew up for the regular canonicals of Leige, to which order he once belonged, a report of that important event, he gives at the same time this account of the labors of Francis.3 He also states, as an eyewitness, that the Mohammedans gladly listened to missionaries of the Franciscan order, when they spoke of the Christian faith, as long as they refrained from reviling Mohammed as a false prophet. But no sooner did they fall into such abuse than they exposed themselves to be severely treated, and even to lose their lives, and were driven away. Had they, then, united to their glowing zeal, a prudent

1 a Vitriaco.

2 See his Historia occidentalis, c. 32. Bonaventura, in his Life of St. Francis, relates that, in the thirteenth year after his conversion, which would coincide very nearly with the time mentioned in the text, Francis went to Syria, for the purpose of visiting the sultan of Babylon, not fearing the danger, although at that time the price of a gold Byzantine was set upon the head of every Christian. When he was led before the sultan, he spoke with such power, that the sultan was carried completely away by him, heard him with the greatest pleasure, and requested him to remain longer with him. Thereupon, Francis said to him, that if he and his people would embrace Christianity, he would gladly consent, from love of the Saviour his Master, to remain with him. But if he could not consent to this, then he might order a large fire to be kindled; into this he (Francis) would enter, along with the Mohammedan priests; and so it would be determined by a judgment of God on which side the true faith was to be found. The sultan objected that none of his priests would be ready for that. Whereupon, Francis declared, if the sultan would promise him that he with his people would embrace Christianity in case he should come forth unharmed from the flames, he would enter the fire alone; though, should he be devoured by them, it must be ascribed to his sins; but if the power of God delivered him, then they must recognize Christ as their God and Saviour. The sultan declared he could not venture to accept such a proposal for fear of an uproar amongst the people. He offered Francis, however, many presents, and upon his declining to receive them, requested him to distribute them, for the salvation of the donor's soul, amongst the Christian poor and the churches; but he refused to take them even for this purpose. Something similar is related also by the disciple of

Francis, Thomas de Celano, in his Life of St. Francis, s. 57. Acta Sanctor. Mens. Octob. t. ii, f. 699. It is hardly to be doubted, that the same event is here alluded to which Jacob de Vitry relates, the scene only being transferred from Egypt to Syria, and in place of the sultan of Egypt the sultan of Babylon introduced, by which doubtless is meant the sultan of Damascus, Malek al Moaddhem Isa, a fierce enemy of the Christians; which substitution of persons might the more easily occur, because that sultan also had been to Egypt. The more simple and exact account of the eye-witness is certainly the most trustworthy. The two others, enthusiastic admirers of St. Francis, followed more exaggerated and inaccurate legends. The appeal to a judgment of God is undoubtedly in the spirit of Francis, and the sultan might perhaps have returned such an answer to it. At all events, the agreement of the three accounts in the essential point, vouches for the truth of the fact lying at bottom.

3

Epistola Jacobi Acconensis episcopi missa ad religiosos, familiares et notos suos in Lotharingia existentes, de captione Damiatae. Here he at last says of Francis: "Cum venisset ad exercitum nostrum, zelo fidei accensus, ad exercitum hostium nostrorum ire non timuit et cum multis diebus Saracenis verbum Domini praedicasset, et cum parum profecisset, tunc Soldanus Rex Aegypti ab eo in secreto petiit, ut pro se Domino supplicaret, quatenus religioni, quae magis Deo placeret, divinitus inspiratus adhaereret." Vid. Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Bongars. t. ii, f. 1149.

4 The words of J. de Vitry in the Hist. occident. 1. c. : "Saraceni autem omnes fratres minores tam diu de Christi fide et evangelica doctrina praedicantes libenter audiunt, quousque Mahometo, tanquam mendaci et perfido, praedicatione sua manifeste contradicunt."

Ex tunc autem eos