86

GREGORY'S COMPLAINTS. HIS PRINCIPLES OF ACTION.

rather than to defend or to adorn the church. Striving only after gain and honor, they stand opposed to everything which serves to promote religion and the cause of God." In the second year of his reign, he presented a picture of his troubles and conflicts, in a letter, to his intimate friend, the abbot Hugo of Cluny. Often have I prayed God, either to release me from the present life, or through me to benefit our common mother; yet he has not delivered me from my great sufferings; nor has my life, as I wished, profited the mother with whom he has connected me.' He then describes the lamentable condition of the church: "The Oriental church, fallen from the faith, and attacked from without, by the infidels. Casting your eye over the West, South, or North, you find scarcely anywhere bishops who have obtained their office regularly, or whose life and conversation correspond to its requirements, and who are actuated in the discharge of their duties by the love of Christ and not by worldly ambition;2 nowhere, princes who prefer God's honor to their own, and justice before gain." "The men among whom he lived," he said, "Romans, Longobards, Normans, were, as he often told them, worse than Jews and pagans." "And when I look at myself," he adds, "I find myself oppressed by such a burden of sin, that no other hope of salvation is left me, but in the mercy of Christ alone." And, indeed, it is a true picture, which Gregory here draws of his times.

Before we follow out the acts of Gregory in detail, let us cast a glance at the principles of his conduct generally, as they are exhibited to us in his letters. Those persons assuredly mistake him, who are willing to recognize nothing else, as his governing principle, than prudence. Though it is, indeed, true, that prudence formed one of his most distinguishing characteristics; yet, believing as he did, that he acted in virtue of a trust committed to him by God, it was a higher confidence, which sustained and kept him erect through all his conflicts. It was in perfect consistency with those views, which he had derived from the Scriptures of the Old Testament, respecting the theocracy, that he should so readily allow himself to be guided by supernatural signs, and judgments of God. He placed great reliance on his intimate connections with St. Peter and the Virgin Mary.3 Among his confidential agents he had a monk, who boasted of a peculiar intimacy with the Virgin Mary; and to this person he applied, in all doubtful cases, bidding him seek, with prayer and fasting, for some special revelation, by vision, respecting the matter in question.4 To his friend, the Margravine Mathilda, who honored and loved him as a

1 Lib. ii, ep. 49.

2 Vix legales episcopos introitu et vita, qui Christianum populum Christi amore et non seculari ambitione regant.

3

By this pope, a special office of devotion, addressed to the Virgin Mary, was introduced into the monasteries. See the above-mentioned work of Geroch, on the Psalms, 1. c. fol. 794: "Et in coenobiis canticum novum celebratur, cum a tempore Gregorii septi cursus beatae Mariae fre

quentatur." Also, in the above-cited letter of Dieteric of Verdun, mention is made of divine visions which were attributed to Gregory; and it is said of him, "Juxta quod boni et fide digni homines attestantur, eum non parvam in oculis Dei familiaritatis gratiam assecutum esse."

A writer of this time, the abbot Haymo, relates in his life of William, abbot of Hirschau, that Gregory, being uncertain which of two candidates proposed to him

HIS VIEWS OF PRIESTLY AND ROYAL POWER.

87

spiritual father, he earnestly recommended,' as a means of defence against the princes of the world, that she should frequently partake of the Holy supper, and commit herself to the special protection of the Virgin Mary. The peculiar bent of his own devotion, here expresses itself: "I, myself," he writes, "have expressly commended thee to her, and will not cease commending thee to her, till we shall behold her, as we long to do. She, whom heaven and earth cease not to praise, though they cannot do it as she deserves. But of this, be firmly persuaded, that, as she is exalted, good, and holy above every mother, so too, and in the same proportion, is she more gracious and gentle towards converted sinful men and women. Put away, then, the disposition to sin, pour out thy tears before her, prostrating thyself before her with an humble and contrite heart; and I promise it with certainty, thou shalt find, by experience, how much more full of love and kindness she will be to thee than thine own mother acccording to the flesh."2

Gregory decidedly avows the principle, that God had conferred on Peter and his successors, not only the guidance of the whole church in respect to spiritual affairs, but also a moral superintendence over all nations. To the spiritual, he maintains, everything else should be subordinated. All worldly interests are vastly inferior to the spiritual. How, then, should not the juridical authority of the pope extend over them? We find Gregory entertaining an idea, which is expressed also in other writings of this party, according to which, the priestly authority would appear to be the only one truly ordained of God,the authority, by which everything was finally to be brought back into the right train; for the authority of princes grew originally out of sinful self-will, the primitive equality of mankind having been broken up by the violence of those, who by rapine, murder, and every other species of atrocity, elevated themselves above their equals ; — a view which might be confirmed, in the minds of some, on contemplating

should be selected for a bishopric, directed a monk to pray that it might be revealed to him, by the mediation of the Virgin Mary, which would be the best choice. See his Life, 22, in Mabillon's Acta Sanct. O. B. t. vi, p. ii, f. 732. As this anecdote wholly agrees with what we quoted, vol. iii, p. 519, from the mouth of Berengar, we are the less warranted to entertain any doubt respecting this characteristic trait in the life of Gregory. Compare also vol. iii, pp. 384-385.

lacrimas effunde. Invenies illam, indubitanter promitto, promptiorem carnali matre ac mitiorem in tui dilectione.

3 Lib. i, ep. 63. Petrus apostolus, quem Dominus Jesus Christus rex gloriae principem super regna mundi constituit. Lib. vii, ep. 6, concerning Peter: Cui omnes principatus et potestates orbis terrarum subjiciens (Deus) jus ligandi atque solvendi in coelo et in terra tradidit. In a letter to king William of England, in which the pope certainly was inclined to lower rather than to elevate his tone: Ut cura et dispensatione apostolicæ dignitatis post Deum gubernetur regia.

In the famous letter to bishop Hermann of Mentz, 1. viii, ep. 21: Quis nesciat reges et duces ab iis habuisse principium, qui Deum ignorantes, superbia, rapinis, perfidia, homicidiis, postremo universis paene sceleribus, mundi principe diabolo videlicet agitante, super pares, scilicet homines, dominari caeca cupiditate et intolerabili praesumtione affectaverunt ?

88

THE SUPREMACY OF THE POPE.

the then rude condition of civil society. Yet, in other places, when not pushed by opposition to this extreme, he recognizes the kingly authority as also ordained of God; only maintaining, that it should confine itself within its own proper limits, remaining subordinate to the papal power which is sovereign over all. He says that the two authorities stand related to each other, as pares them with the two eyes of the body.1

sun and moon, and com

We see by single examples, how welcome it would have been to the pope, if all monarchs had been disposed to receive their kingdoms as feofs of the apostle Peter. Thus he would have converted the sovereignty of Peter into an altogether secular empire; and he looked upon it as an insult to that sovereignty, that a king of Hungary, who ought to have regarded himself as a king dependent on St. Peter, should place himself in a relation of dependence on the German empire. He considered it deserving of reproach, that he should be willing to undergo the shame of making himself a dependent regulus on German kings, rather than to enjoy the honor of being dependent alone on the first of the apostles. And to this he referred the promise of Christ regarding the Rock, against which the powers of hell should never prevail; that whoever would wrest his kingdom out of this relation of dependence to the church of Rome, must experience, by the loss of his inherited kingdom, the punishment due to his sacrilege, in his own person. So Spain was held to have been from the earliest times a feof of the Romish church.3 From the Romish church, it was maintained, indeed, that all other spiritual authority was derived, and all ecclesiastical authorities should appear as organs of the pope; yet among these authorities there should subsist a regular subordination; and all, through a certain series of gradations, return back to the one common head. Gregory professed, it is true, in continuing the contest begun by the popes at the close of the preceding period, that he acted as defender of the ancient ecclesiastical laws; yet, at the same time, also, he expressly declared, that it stood in his power to enact new laws against new abuses, which, when enacted, imposed an obligation of universal obedience.5 As he frequently made use of the Scriptures of the Old Testament, which, by

Lib. i, ep. 19. Nam sicut duobus oculis humanum corpus temporali lumine regitur, ita his duabus dignitatibus in pura religione concordantibus corpus ecclesiae spirituali lumine regi et illuminari probatur. Lib. vii, ep. 25, to king William of England: Sicut ad mundi pulchritudinem oculis carneis diversis temporibus repraesentandam solem et lunam omnibus aliis eminentiora disposuit luminaria, sic ne creatura, quam sui benignitas ad imaginem suam in hoc mundo creaverat, in errorem et mortifera traheretur pericula, providit in apostolica et regia dignitate, per diversa regeretur of ficia. Qua tamen majoritatis et minoritatis distantia religio sic se movet Christiana, ut cura et dispensatione apostolicae dignitatis post Deum gubernetur regia.

OFFICE OF THE LEGATES.

89

reason of his peculiar mode of apprehending the theocracy, would be particularly acceptable to him, so his favorite motto, whenever he spoke of maintaining, in spite of all opposition, the validity of the church-laws, and of punishing abuses, was, "Cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood," Jeremiah, 48: 10.1

As the organs by which to extend and maintain his oversight over all the churches, and to exercise everywhere his juridical authority, he determined to make use of the institution of legates, which had been made a vital part of the papacy during the epoch of reform, in the times of Henry the Third. Since he could not be in all places at once, these legates were to act as his representatives and vicegerents, in upbuilding and destroying among the distant nations; and the bishops were to pay the same obedience to such legates as to the pope himself, and to stand by them in all cases; and he had the presumption to apply to this relation the words of our Lord to his apostles, declaring, that in them he himself was honored or despised. At the same time, however, he did not allow these legates to act according to their own pleasure, but exercised a strict control over all their proceedings. He censured them, in right good earnest, if they failed to make an exact report of every matter to himself. He was a despot, determined to rule everywhere himself." The gold which legates sent him, expecting by this means to pacify him, could not move him to release them from obligation to give in an exact account of all their transactions. To a certain legate, who contemplated something of this sort, he writes: "The fact that he had not personally brought in a report of all his proceedings admitted of no excuse, unless he was hindered by sickness, or had no possible means of returning." He reminded him of the fact, that he must have long since found out, how small store he (the pope) set by money, separate from the recognition of his authority. Furthermore, the annual synods, during the fasts preceding Easter, which were attended by bishops from all parts of the Western church,5 were to serve as a means of making the pope acquainted with the condition of all the churches, and of helping him to maintain an oversight

quam licenter si opus esset possumus, vobis proponimus.

Lib. i, ep. 15: In eo loco positi sumus, ut velimus nolimus omnibus gentibus, maxime Christianis, veritatem et justitiam annuntiare compellamur; and now the passage: maledictus homo, qui prohibet gladium suum a sanguine, which he explains thus: verbum praedicationis a car nalium increpatione.

2 Lib. v, ep. 2, regarding such a legate, whom he sent to Corsica: Ut ea, quae ad ordinem sacrae religionis pertinent, rite exequens juxta prophetae dictum evellat et destruat, aedificet et plantet. When, in Bohemia, the authority of these legates was disputed as an innovation, Gregory promptly gave them his support. He thus writes on this subject to the Bohemian bishops, L. i, ep. 17: Quidam vestrorum

hoc quasi novum aliquid existimantes et non considerantes sententiam Domini dicentis: "qui vos recipit, me recipit, et qui vos spernit, me spernit." Legatos nostros contemptui habent ac proinde dum nullam debitam reverentiam exhibent, non eos, sed ipsam veritatis sententiam spernunt.

3 Thus he took to task a legate whom he had sent to Spain, and who held a council there, because he had not either in person, or by one of his associates, made report to the pope (1. i, ep. 16): Quatenus perspectis omnibus confirmanda confirmaremus et si qua mutanda viderentur, discreta ratione mutaremus.

Nam pecunias sine honore quanti pretii habeam, tu ipse optime dudum potuisti perpendere. Lib. vii, ep. 1.

'Two at least from each bishopric should take part therein. Lib. vii, ep. ì.

90

GREGORY'S FREEDOM FROM BRIBERY.

2

of their affairs. It is plain from many examples, how important he considered it to keep himself informed of the peculiarities, the particular condition and wants, even of the most distant nations, in order to meet their several necessities. Thus, for instance, he wrote to the king of Sweden, requesting him to send a bishop, or some ecclesiastic of suitable qualifications, to Rome, who could exactly inform him respecting the character of the country and the manners of the people, and who, after being fully instructed, could more safely convey back the papal ordinances to his native land. To king Olov, of Norway, he wrote, "that it would give him great pleasure, were it in his power, to send him qualified ecclesiastics for the instruction of his people; but as the remoteness of the country, and especially the want of a knowledge of the spoken language, rendered it extremely difficult to do this, he therefore requested him, as he had already done the king of Denmark, to send a few young people of the higher class to Rome, for the purpose of being accurately instructed there, under the protection of the apostles Peter and Paul, in the laws of God, so that they might convey back to their people the ordinances of the apostolical chair, and teach all they had learned to their countrymen, in their own language." On many occasions he showed how little he was to be influenced in the transaction of business, by money. A certain count of Angers, maintained an unlawful connection with a woman, and had for this reason been excommunicated by his bishop, whom he therefore persecuted; at the same time, however, he sent presents to the pope, hoping doubtless that by this course he should be able to conciliate his favor. The pope sent them all back; and wrote to the count that, until he had put away his sin, the head of the church could receive no presents from him, though he would not cease praying God to have mercy upon him.3 The pious queen, Matilda of England, wrote to him, that anything of hers which he might wish, she was ready to give him. The pope answered her :4" What gold, what jewels, what precious objects of this world ought I to prefer to have from thee, rather than a chaste life, beneficence to the poor, love to God and to thy neighbor?" In a letter to the king of Denmark, the pope, with other exhortations, urgently called upon him to put a stop to that abuse, in his country, by which, during bad seasons and droughts, innocent women were persecuted as witches who had brought about these calamities.5 We have seen how a pope, by whom the papal authority was greatly increased, was the first to declare himself opposed to the employment of torture.6 We see in the present case how the individual, by whose means the

Lib. viii, ep. 1. Qui et terrae vestrae habitudines gentisque mores nobis suggerere et apostolica mandata de cunctis pleniter instructus ad vos certius queat referre. 2 Lib. vi, ep. 13.

3 Lib. ix, ep. 22. Munera tua ideo recipienda non esse arbitrati sumus, quia divinis oculis oblatio non acceptabilis esse probatur, quamdiu a peccato isto immunem te non reddideris et ad gratiam omnipotentis Dei non redieris.

4 Lib. vii, ep. 26.

Lib. vii, ep. 21. In mulieres ob eandem causam simili immanitate barbari ritus damnatas quidquam impietatis faciendi vobis fas esse nolite putare, sed potius discite, divinae ultionis sententiam digne poenitendo avertere, quam in illas insontes frustra feraliter saeviendo iram Domini multo magis provocare.

Nicholas the First, in his letter to the Bulgarian princes; see vol. iii, p. 311.