LORD DUNKELLIN'S AMENDMENT.

873

In the division the GovernThe same kind of thing went on Amendments were moved now

as the Representation of the People Bill. From this time forward the Government suffered a succession of defeats. Sir Rainald Knightley brought forward, on the order for going into Committee on the Bill, a motion that it should be an instruction to the Committee that they should have power to make provision for the better prevention of bribery and corruption at elections. The motion was opposed only on the ground that it was a part of the wicked schemes of the intriguing Opposition to delay the progress of the Bill, and that of all conceivable charges-it was the Tory party who really profited most by bribery. Mr. Disraeli replied in a scathing speech of some ten minutes in length, in which he pointed out that no public charge was ever brought against the county members, whilst borough members could not claim the same immunity. Wakefield and Huddersfield were interesting cases in point. ment found itself in a minority of ten. unceasingly for some considerable time. on one side of the House, now upon the other; the Government sometimes holding its ground by a narrow majority, sometimes finding itself in a minority small enough indeed, yet sufficient to prove to any impartial spectator that the Liberal Administration of Earl Russell did not command the support, not of the country, but of the majority of the party by whose favour it held office. The end came on the 18th of June when Lord Dunkellin moved an amendment, the effect of which was to substitute rating instead of rental as the basis of the Borough representation. The debate was a short but animated one. It would seem that the House was thoroughly tired of these attempts to settle a great question on small principles, and was anxious above all things to get to a division. The division came at last, and apparently much to the surprise of the Government it found itself in a very full House (623 including tellers) in a minority of 11. For an Administration that had "passed the Rubicon, broken its bridges and burned its boats," these figures could have but one meaning. Acceptance of Lord Dunkellin's motion meant abandonment of the principle of the Bill, and that was of course equivalent to resignation. Mr. Gladstone announced on the 25th of June that Ministers had tendered their resignations, but that Her Majesty hesitated about accepting them. In accordance with the inconvenient custom which has been introduced of late years, the Queen was at Balmoral, but finding that her presence was essential, she was already on her way to Windsor. On the following day Mr. Gladstone was able to announce to the House that Her Majesty had been pleased to accept the Ministerial resignations, and to move that at its rising the House should adjourn until the following Thursday (28th of June).

The negotiations concerning the formation of the new Ministry naturally occupied a considerable time, and in their course, as Lord Derby explained in the House of Lords, overtures were made to the discontented Whigs whose votes had practically turned out the Government-the Adullamites as Mr.

Bright had felicitously nicknamed them-with the view of bringing about an association of that party with the new Administration. Happily for the country the independent Liberals with Earl Grosvenor at their head refused to join in the suggested arrangement, though a disinterested support to the new Government was promised. While these negotiations were going on within doors a great agitation was got up without, and the excited Liberal politicians of Clerkenwell Green and similarly enlightened districts made London hideous with demonstrations and processions. On the night of the 29th of June, the first of the long line of Trafalgar Square meetings was held, when about 10,000 of the great unwashed who never had had and never were likely to have votes, met to groan for the Tories and cheer for Mr. Gladstone. The old miserable business of 1830 seemed on the point of being renewed, and the Whig Reform Bill, all undigested as it was, of being carried, as Mr. Bright had suggested that it should, by force of mob intimidation.

Mr. Disraeli went down into Buckinghamshire for re-election, and as a raatter of course was returned unopposed. The proceedings were purely formal, and the speech in which he addressed his constituents was formal also. On the question of reform he simply said that he thought the new Government quite as competent to deal with the subject as the old, and he reminded his constituents that his Bill of 1859 was the only attempt to settle the question of which anyone spoke with respect, and the only one which ardent Liberals had expressed their regret at not having seen carried. The whole proceedings were finished before luncheon time, and Mr. Disraeli returned to town in time to take the oaths and his seat as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Derby's third Administration on the 16th of July, 1866.

CHAPTER XII.

THE REFORM MINISTRY.

Lord Derby unwilling to accept office, but consents-The New Administration a strong one-Mr. Disraeli begins with a supplementary vote of creditEnd of the Session-The Royal Speech-Reform agitation-Mr. Stuart Mill's speech-The Hyde Park riot-The Reform League-Mr. Bright on the House of Commons-Leicester, the glass-blower, and "Constructive abdication"- Lord Beaconsfield's unpopularity-The Session of 1867 Queen's Speech and debate on the Address-Work of the New Administration-Reform-Not a question to decide the fate of Ministries-Lord Beaconsfield's speech on the Resolutions-The Resolutions-Boroughs and Counties The Conservative sacrifice-The House and the Speech-Opposition to the Resolutions-" Forcing the hand" of the Government-Cabinet dissensions-Resignations of Lord Carnarvon, Lord Cranborne and General Peel-The Cabinet "reverts to its original policy "-The New Reform Bill-Details Popular privileges and democratic rights-The policy of the Opposition-Opinions of the Press-Mr. Bright and the Residuum-Not numbers, but fitness, the principle of the Bill-Mr. Gladstone's opposition -The Budget of 1867-Popular opinion of it-The Reform Bill again-The Liberal instruction-Its collapse-The Reform Bill in Committee-Mr. Beresford Hope and his "Batavian Grace"-Mr. Gladstone's ResolutionsThe Division-The Recess-The Compound Householder-Mr. Gladstone's charge of "fraud and dissimulation ""The invective of Torquemada and the insinuation of Loyola "—The Scotch Reform Bill—Mr. Disraeli's rebuke to Mr. Gladstone-The reply of "Atticus "-Mr. Bernal Osborne's opinion of Lord Beaconsfield-Extinction of the Compound Householder-Lord Cranborne on the Conservative leaders-Lord Beaconsfield's last speech on the Reform Bill-Third Reading of the Bill-Conservative opposition to Reform-End of the Session-The Mansion House banquet-Lord Beaconsfield's speech-A quiet autumn-Lord Beaconsfield at Edinburgh-His letter to the Times-The "Conservative surrender "-On the Irish Church-The new Session-The Queen's Speech-The Abyssinian War-The Fenians at Clerkenwell prison-Bribery and corruption-Lord Derby retires-Mr. Disraeli Premier-The Press on the event-The Chelmsford incidentWelcome of Mr. Disraeli in Westminster Hall-Opening speech-Mr. Maguire on Ireland-Mr. Neate's amendment-Mr. Disraeli closes the Debate-The Church and the Nation-Mr. Gladstone's Resolutions on the Irish Church-Mr. Disraeli's letter to Lord Dartmouth-Lord Stanley's amendment-Lord Beaconsfield on Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Lowe-Result of the Debate-Lord Beaconsfield attacked by the Press-Appeals to the country-Mr. Ayrton as censor morum-Mr. Bright's personal attack-The tactics of the Opposition-Mr. Gladstone's letters-Dinner at Merchant Taylors' Hall-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Factious opposition to the Govern

ment-Lord Beaconsfield and John Leech's family-Prorogation and the Queen's Speech-Lord Mayo's appointment-Address to Bucks electorsTory finance-Organisation of the War Office-Religion and civilisationFenianism and English Liberalism-The elections and their results—Mr. Disraeli's speech at Aylesbury-Mrs. Disraeli becomes Lady Beaconsfield— Results of the elections-Mr. Disraeli retires-Mr. Gladstone is sent forThe spoils to the victor.

LORD DERBY had not at first been very willing to undertake the task of forming an Administration. His health was notoriously far from good, and personally he was never an ambitious man. So long as Lord Palmerston lived-the Conservative chief of a Liberal Administration-he was perfectly content to occupy the position of leader of a compact Opposition, by the aid of which that noble Lord was able to keep in check his more impetuous adherents. When, however, the death of Lord Palmerston threw the Government into the hands of Earl Russell the situation was altered, and a more active Opposition became not merely practicable but necessary. In the first place Lord Russell had made a great mistake in introducing a Reform Bill in the first Session of the new Parliament; in the second he left out of his calculations the amount of support which had been given to Lord Palmerston personally at the last general election; in the third he had blundered in bringing in his Bill in a fragmentary and imperfect fashion, and finally he had blundered still more in trying to force his Bill upon the House of Commons by the declaration that its rejection would be treated as equivalent to a vote of want of confidence. The natural result followed: the Government went out and Lord Derby was the only statesman to whom Her Majesty could turn, and in fact the only possible Minister at the time. The want of a majority in the Commens was a very serious drawback, however, and one which for a time threatened to make shipwreck of the new Administration. Happily the promise of independent support from the old Whigs in both Houses of Parliament overcame the difficulty, and the Ministry was formed, though without any popular enthusiasm.

It was certainly a strong Administration, including as it did Lord Chelmsford as Chancellor, Lord Stanley at the Foreign Office, Lord Carnarvon at the Colonies, Lord Cranborne for India, General Peel for War, Mr. Disraeli at the Exchequer, Sir Stafford Northcote at the Board of Trade, Mr. Gathorne Hardy at the Poor Law Board, and Sir John Pakington at the Admirality. Sir Hugh Cairns as Attorney-General, and Sir William Bovill as Solicitor-General made up the Administration. It will be observed that in the formation of this Government Lord Derby acted most carefully on that constitutional principle on which Mr. Disraeli had laid so much stress in his criticisms of Lord Palmerston's Government-the principle, that is to say, of taking a sufficient number of members of the Cabinet from the House of Commons, and of not allowing

ortant departments of the State to be represented in that assembly by

SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES.

877

Under-Secretaries. Of the fifteen members of the Cabinet five only were peers, and of those members of the Government not in the Cabinet, exclusive of the Household, only three.

It was a little unfortunate for Mr. Disraeli that the first task imposed upon him, on again taking his place as Chancellor of the Exchequer, was to present a supplementary estimate, but it must be admitted that the fault did not lie with Mr. Gladstone. The estimates which he had prepared included half a million to be obtained by New Zealand Bonds, and showed an expenditure of £66,727,000, including £502,500 for the creation of terminable instead of permanent annuities, while the revenue was calculated at £67,013,000, thus showing a surplus of £286,000-on paper. But the supplementary estimates laid on the table amounted to £495,000, leaving a deficiency of £209,000. The usual way of meeting this difficulty would be by the issue of Exchequer Bonds or Bills, but since the Budget had been brought in, there had been the greatest commercial panic ever known-"Black Friday" had come and gone, the Bank Charter Act had been suspended, the bank rate of discount having risen to 10 per cent., at which it still remained. The floating of Exchequer Bonds was thus rendered impossible, nor could the New Zealand Bonds be placed. Under the circumstances the only plan which could safely be adopted for meeting these liabilities was that of dropping the scheme for the reduction of the National Debt by half a million, and that course was adopted in spite of a very long speech from Mr. Gladstone in defence of his proposals. It was as well, perhaps, that this scheme should have been cleared out of the way of practical politics, seeing that it was the mis-shapen result of a panic, engendered by certain professors and fostered by Mr. Mill, on the subject of the speedy exhaustion of British coal. The incident was noteworthy, however, inasmuch as it afforded Mr. Disraeli an opportunity of explaining the intention of the Government to reduce the expenditure, and at the same time to provide improved rifles for the army and better ships for the navy.

The Session ended on the 10th of August, on which day Parliament was prorogued by Commission. The Royal speech made reference to the Austro-Prussian war, which "seriously affected the positions of Sovereigns and Princes with whom Her Majesty is connected with the closest ties of relationship and frendship, but . . . in which neither the honour of her Crown nor the interest of her people demanded any active intervention on her part." A large part of the Speech was taken up with reference to the progress of Fenianism in Ireland and to the Fenian raid in Canada-reference chiefly noticeable inasmuch as it recognised fully and completely the point on which Mr. Disraeli had from the first insisted-the foreign origin of the Fenian confederacy. There was but little more to say and that little not of a very cheerful character. The depression of all commerce, which had been the natural result of its preceding inflation, was duly lamented; a hope was expressed that the cattle plague was subsiding; the visitation of