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ing way. Of the members for the former country only 7, and of those for the latter only 37 were classed as Conservatives. In England 263 Liberals were returned as against 208 Conservatives, although Lancashire showed a majority of two to one in favour of the Government and although the Marquis of Hartington had been beaten in the county where his local interest was strongest by 1500 votes, the verdict of the country was unmistakable. It was calculated that the majority against the Government was not less than 112, or 60 more than that upon which the Liberal whips had been able to rely in the purely party divisions of the last Parliament. There was of course nothing to be done but to submit to the inevitable. On the 2nd of December Mr. Disraeli went to Windsor, where he had an audience of the Queen and returned to town in time for a Cabinet Council. The Council sat for an hour and a half, and when it rose the Government of the Conservative party was at an end. A statement was at once put forth by the Prime Minister, in which he wrote:-" Although the general election has elicited in the decision of numerous and vast constituencies, an expression of feeling which in a remarkable degree has justified their anticipations and which in dealing with the question in controversy no wise statesman would disregard, it is now clear that the present Administration cannot expect to command the confidence of the newly-elected House of Commons. Under these circumstances Her Majesty's Ministers have felt it due to their own honour and to the policy they support not to retain office unnecessarily for a single day. They hold it to be more consistent with the attitude they have assumed and with the convenience of public business at this season, as well as more conducive to the just influence of the Conservative party, at once to tender the resignation of their offices to Her Majesty rather than wait for the assembling of a Parliament in which in the present aspect of affairs they are sensible they must be in a minority. In thus acting Her Majesty's Government have seen no cause to modify those opinions upon which they deemed it their duty to found their counsel to the Sovereign on the question of the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church. They remain convinced that the proposition of Mr. Gladstone is wrong in principle, probably impracticable in application and if practicable would be disastrous in its effects. While ready at all times to give a fair consideration and willing aid to any plan for the improvement of the Church in Ireland, to the policy which they opposed last Session-rife as they believe it to be with many calamities to society and the State-they will continue, in whatever position they occupy, to offer an uncompromising resistance."

Strictly speaking there was no precedent for the course thus taken by Mr. Disraeli and his colleagues. The only occasion on which anything of the kind had occurred, was when after the death of Mr. Canning in 1828, the Cabinet formed by the Earl of Ripon fell to pieces from internal weakness and dissensions before the meeting of Parliament. It proved, how

ever, a wise course to adopt, and it may after all be questioned whether Mr. Gladstone, in his ignominious defeat in South Lancashire, did not suffer quite as great a loss of prestige as did his rival. The verdict of the country was for the time in favour of the principles of Liberalism as embodied in Mr. Gladstone's policy, and it was obviously the most dignified and sensible course which the Administration could adopt to accept that verdict and to march out with the honours of war. It was as obviously wise and dignified on the part of Mr. Disraeli to advise the Queen to send at once for Mr. Gladstone. Under ordinary conditions it might have been advisable to recommend as the future minister one of the well-placed dummies of the Whigs. This, however, was no ordinary occasion. The defeat of the Government was entirely the work of Mr. Gladstone and his Radical followers; the principle which had brought about that defeat-the disestablishment of the Irish Church-was notoriously opposed to the views and wishes of the Whigs as a party, and it was only in accordance with custom that the spoils of office should belong to the victor.

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CHAPTER XIII.

MR. GLADSTONE'S GOVERNMENT, 1868-74.

The new Administration-Meeting of Parliament-Queen's Speech-The debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Opinions of the Press-Dangers to private property-Debate on the Irish Church Bill-Speech on the third reading-Trinity House banquet-Mr. Lowe rebuked-Prorogation-Session of 1870-Queen's Speech-Irish Land Bill-The Irish policy of the Government-Irish Land Bill-The Ballot-" Lothair "-The critics-Mr. Goldwin Smith-The fables of the Edinburgh-The Saturday Review-Coincidences -Public demand for the Book-Speech on the State of the ContinentLord Granville's 66 surprise "-Buckinghamshire manifestoes-Session of 1871-Queen's Speech-Debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli's speechAppreciation of Lord Clarendon-Fenianism and the United States Government-An incompetent Administration-On the Declaration of Paris-Mr. Lowe's Budget-The Match Tax-The leader of the Opposition and his criticism-The Charge of "hounding on the country "-War Taxation in time of Peace-Direct v. Indirect Taxation-Military Reform-The Abolition of Purchase-Mr. Gladstone's coup d'état-Mr. Disraeli's comment-Appeals to the Prerogative of the Crown-Ballot-The Government determined to force the Bill through the House-Tactics of the Government-A Pythagorean system of legislation-Prorogation-A Confession of Failure-Mr. Disraeli at Hughenden-The Health of the Queen-Telegraph absurdities-Ministerial Apologies and Explanations-The new Session-Debate on the Address -The Collier scandal-The Ewelme Rectory job-Personal Government in excelsis-The Washington Treaty-Mr. Disraeli in Manchester-The Pomona Palace demonstration-Speech in the Free Trade Hall on Reform-On the improved condition of the working classes-The Policy of the Government-The Treaty of 1856-A Policy of Sewage-No sign of a return to office-Constitutional dinner at the Crystal Palace-Mr. Disraeli's speech-A Wasted Session-Session of 1873-The San Juan award-The Geneva award-The debate on the Address-National indignation-Mr. Disraeli's speech-Irish University education-The Government Bill-Why the Tories opposed it-Mr. Disraeli's speech-What the Government had done The Fate of the Government sealed-In a Minority of three-Resignation of Ministers-Mr. Disraeli summoned-Refuses to take office without a dissolution of Parliament-Mr. Gladstone's ingenious explanations—Mr Disraeli's reply-His letter to the Queen-Position of the Tory party-The Burials Bill-Mr. Lowe's last Budget—Amendment on the Report-Close of the Session-The Bath Election-Lord Beaconsfield at Glasgow-Speech as Lord Rector-Banquet in the City Hall-The Tories not anxious to be rid of him-Rest and Retirement-Mr. Gladstone dissolves Parliament on the eve of its meeting-His manifesto to Greenwich-Mr. Disraeli's address to the Electors of Bucks-The Election of 1874-Speech at Aylesbury

Foreign policy-The State of the Elections-The Liberal Government abandons its intention of meeting Parliament-Mr. Gladstone gives up the seals of office-The Session opens on the 19th of March.

MR. DISRAELI having thus gracefully made way for his successful opponent, Mr. Gladstone had an audience of the Queen at Windsor on the 4th of December, and on the following day arrangements were so far matured that the new Premier was able to submit a tolerably complete list of his Cabinet for acceptance. On the 9th the outgoing Ministers delivered up the seals of office, and on the same day the members of the new Administration were sworn in. It will probably be sufficient to recall the fact that Mr. Gladstone was supported by Lord Hatherley (Sir W. Page Wood) as Lord Chancellor, Mr. Lowe as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office, Lord Granville at the Colonial, and Mr. Bruce (now Lord Aberdare) at the Home. Mr. Childers was First Lord of the Admiralty, and Mr. Chichester Fortescue Chief Secretary for Ireland. The appointment which excited most comment was, however, that of Mr. Bright, who, in spite of many and reiterated protestations that nothing would induce him to accept office, consented to accept the comparatively minor post of President of the Board of Trade. Higher office was understood to have been pressed upon him but steadfastly refused. Lord Russell had been asked to take part in the Administration, but refused. Sir George Grey also preferred to give to the new Government an independent support, and Sir Roundell Palmer, whom everybody had expected to see elevated to the Chancellorship, found himself compelled, by reason of his conscientious views on the Irish Church question, to remain outside the Cabinet.

Parliament met for the election of the Speaker and in order to swear in the new Lord Chancellor in the middle of December, and new writs having been issued for the re-election of those members of the Government who sat in the House of Commons, an adjournment was taken to the 16th of February, 1869. On that day Parliament was opened by Commission, the chief point of interest in the Queen's Speech being of course the Irish Church question, concerning which "My Lords and Gentlemen" were informed that "the ecclesiastical arrangements of Ireland will be brought under your consideration at a very early date, and the legislation which will be necessary in order to their final adjustment will make the largest demands upon the wisdom of Parliament. I am persuaded that in the prosecution of the work you will bear a careful regard to every legitimate interest which it may involve, and that you will be governed by the constant aim to promote the welfare of religion through the principles of equal justice, to secure the action of the undivided feeling and opinion of Ireland on the side of loyalty and law, to efface the memory of former contentions, and to cherish the sympathies of an affectionate people "'-a sentence which drew from even friendly critics the remark that the first act of the

THE IRISH CHURCH BILL.

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new Government was one of disrespect to the Sovereign, inasmuch as they had put an amazing piece of bad grammar into her mouth.

Mr. Disraeli spoke on the Address, criticising it briefly, but moving no amendment. Except on this occasion, he did not again address the House at any length until the 18th of March, when Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church Bill came on for second reading. He had not opposed the bringing in of the Bill, on the ground that the verdict of the country had been that the new Government should have an opportunity of dealing with the matter, and he therefore asked only for sufficient time for consideration. Three days later Mr. Gathorne Hardy gave notice that the Leader of the Opposition would, as an amendment to the Second Reading, move that the Bill be read a second time on that day six months. In opposing the Bill he dwelt chiefly upon its confiscatory character, pointing out that the relations of the State with regard to corporations are mainly those of a trustee to his ward, and that if the precedent of confiscation by such an officer were once set, there would be an end to the security of property and a collapse of the credit of the country. Further-corporate property, whether the gift of the State (which is rare) or the donation of private persons (which is usually the case), is the property, not of the State, but of the nation. If such property be confiscated, the worst results usually ensue, either on the one hand, civil disturbance or insurrection, or on the other, a chronic state of discontent and disaffection. The Government, recognising the existence of discontent in Ireland, already proposed to cure it by disendowing one of the three Churches existing in the country, a step which promised less to allay disaffection than to create it amongst a class hitherto untouched by it. Those who had anticipated that Lord Beaconsfield would bring forward a counter-scheme of disestablishment-and there were a good many who had innocently swallowed the gobemouche stories of the London correspondents were a good deal disappointed by the discovery that the criticism to which the measure was subjected was purely negative in its character. The House was unusually full, and a good deal of disappointment was expressed that no greater surprise awaited it.

On the question of disendowment, the Leader of the Opposition asked why this step should be taken. "Does anybody claim the property? Nobody claims it. Does the right honourable gentleman believe that any other Church would use the property with more advantage? Certainly not, for he does not propose to give the property to any other Church. Is the tenure of the property of the Church unsatisfactory and feeble? Quite the reverse. It is the strongest tenure in the country, and it does not merely depend on the Act of Settlement, as the estates of most gentlemen do, because it has a prescription of three centuries. One is naturally and necessarily anxious to know, under these circumstances-when nobody asks for the property, when the right honourable gentleman does not pretend that any other Church would carry out the intention of the founders better than the Protestant Church, and when he does not deny that the