canvass at Buckingham. The Conservative triumph was already assured, and his accession to office was no more a matter "looming in the future.” The net Conservative gain was then 52 seats, counting 104 on a division, and returns were yet to come in from many important places. The leader of the party was therefore more than justified, when in asking the electors to repose their confidence in him for the tenth time, the said, "the county of Bucks had always been a political county, and he hoped it would maintain its reputation in that respect. Since the accession of the House of Hanover there had been thirty Prime Ministers, and five of them had been supplied by the county of Buckingham. Surely, then, there must be something in the air of Buckinghamshire that was favourable to the growth of Prime Ministers."

The end soon came. On the 16th of February, 1874, the journals of the day were able to announce that, putting out of account the half dozen unfinished Irish elections, the returns showed a genuine Conservative majority in England of 115, and, though the Liberal majorities of 8 in Wales, of 20 in Scotland, and of 23 in Ireland (in which were reckoned all Home Rulers who had not expressly declared themselves to be Conservatives), considerably reduced the majority on a division, the Tory party might still claim a net majority of more than 50. A Cabinet Council was accordingly held on that day, at which all intention of formally appearing before Parliament as Ministers of the Crown was definitely abandoned. One Minister only dissented-Mr. Lowe. The Queen left Osborne for Windsor on Tuesday the 17th of February, and there Mr. Gladstone attended on the following day to tender his resignation and the resignations of his colleagues. But one thing remained to be done--to send for Mr. Disraeli, and that step was taken in the usual course. In view of eventualities, arrangements had already been made to a considerable extent, and on the 20th he was able to submit a provisional list of his new Administration to her Majesty. On the 23rd, Mr. Gladstone having first rewarded several of his faithful followers with peerages gave up the seals of office, and Mr. Disraeli assumed his place. The business of constructing the Government went on, and early in March all arrangements were completed. Mr. Disraeli's address to his constituents appeared on the 13th, and, as a matter of course, he was returned without opposition. Parliament was opened by Commission on the 19th, and after a remarkably short debate on the Address, in which the leader of the House expressed his disinclination to enter upon any "captious controversy," the work of the Session began,

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CHAPTER XIV.

LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The New House and the New Ministry-A late Session -Deputations—Mr. Gladstone's Retirement-The "Five Million " Surplus-The Queen's SpeechDebate on the Address-The Budget-Licensing Act Amendment-Irish Fisheries-The Factory Acts Amendment Bill-Public Worship Regulation Bill" Mass in Masquerade "-Home Rule- Patronage in the Scotch KirkMr. Disraeli at Merchant Taylors'-Prorogation-The Queen's Speech-A quiet Autumn-The Lord Mayor's Dinner-Lord Beaconsfield on English and Continental liberty-Mr. Gladstone's final retirement-Is replaced by Lord Hartington-The Session of 1875-Debate on the Address-John Mitchel's Return for Tipperary-The Regimental Exchanges Act-Privilege and petitions -Dr. Kenealy-The Foreign Loans Committee-Mr. Disraeli at the Mansion House-Lord Hartington on public business-The Prorogation-Accomplished Legislation The Ninth of November-The Prince of Wales in IndiaMr. Disraeli's Indian Policy-Suez Canal Shares-The Session of 1876-The explanation of the Government-Empress of India-A popular ideaA ludicrous episode; Mr. Lowe at Retford-The Eastern Question once moreBulgarian Atrocities-Newspapers v. Official Reports-Mr. Disraeli's "levity" -Sir Henry Elliot's despatches-Mr. Ashley's motion on the Appropriation Bill-The defence of the Government-Sir W. Harcourt's "Rhodian Eloquence "-Mr. Disraeli's last words in the House of Commons-Earl of Beaconsfield and Viscount Hughenden.

So many attempts have been made to discredit the genuineness and the magnitude of the revolution caused by Mr. Gladstone's manifesto of January, 1874, that it may be well to place on record the exact state of things when Mr. Disraeli took his seat on the Treasury Bench in the following month. The House of Commons then consisted of 652 members, of whom 351 were distinctly Conservative, while but 301 were described as Liberal, among whom were, of course, included a certain number of "free lances," who held themselves at liberty to vote for the Government on good cause being shown. In the Parliament of 1868 there were at the close of the General Election 493 English members, composed of 268 Liberals and 225 Conservatives. The boroughs of Bridgewater and of Beverley having been disfranchised, the Parliament of 1874 contained but 489 English members, of whom 296 were Conservatives and 193 Liberals, thus giving to the Conservative party a majority of no fewer that 103 in England alone; the difference being of course accounted for by the preponderance of Liberals amongst the Irish and Scotch members. Scotland returned 41 Liberals to 19 Conservatives, Five years before, no

Scotch borough had returned a Conservative, and 7 only found county seats. Leaving out Ireland, Great Britain was represented in 1874 by 549 members, of whom 315 were Conservatives and 234 Liberals, thus giving the Government a majority of 81. It was in Ireland that the difference was found, that country returning 67 Liberals to 36 Conservatives. Of the total of 103, thirty members were returned as Home Rulers, and were of course claimed by the Liberals.

With a Parliament thus constituted, Mr. Disraeli was naturally able to form a strong Government. For the sake of convenience it may be well to give in this place a list of the new Ministry :

The offices outside the Cabinet were filled in the same way. Lord Henry Lennox became Commissioner of Works; Colonel Taylor, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Lord Sandon, Vice-President of the Committee of Council for Education; Sir Charles Adderley, President of the Board of Trade; Mr. Sclater-Booth, President of the Local Government Board; Lord Mahon, Mr. Rowland Wynn and Sir J. D. Elphinstone, Lords of the Treasury; Mr. W. H. Dyke and Mr. W. H. Smith, Secretaries of the Treasury; whilst the minor offices were filled by Messrs. G. C. Bentinck, C. S. Read, James Lowther, Stephen Cave, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Lord George Hamilton, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir H. SelwinIbbetson, the Hon. R. Bourke, and the Hon. A. T. Fulke Egerton; Sir J. B. Karslake was the Attorney-General, and Sir R. Baggallay, SolicitorGeneral.

It was generally admitted that the Government had been well and wisely selected. There had been rumours that the Conservatives intended to expend money lavishly upon the naval and military services, but they were hushed when it was found that those departments were to be placed under two of the most practical and businesslike men in the House of Commons. Mr. Gathorne Hardy had been very successful at the Home Office in the last Conservative administration, and some regret was expressed that he was replaced there by an untried man. People recollected, however, that Mr. Disraeli has always been accredited with the quality usually associated with Queen Elizabeth of "knowing a man," and the country

took Mr. Cross upon trust. The event has not proved disappointing. Lord Salisbury's appointment was received with universal satisfaction, both in India and in England: while Lord Carnarvon was considered at the time to be practically the only available statesman for colonial work. One little matter was very amusing. Ever since the Edinburgh Review, under the malicious inspiration of Lord Brougham, had circulated the foolish story about Isaac Disraeli and his son's parvenu aspirations after knowledge of Dukes, it had been an accepted tradition amongst Liberals that a Conservative Government would, of necessity, have a very large infusion of the most exalted members of the Upper House. There was something really ludicrous in the dismay which was manifested in certain quarters when it was discovered that there was but one Duke, in the Cabinet, and that the position assigned to him, though dignified and honourable, was not very responsible, whilst of the remaining five peers one was the recently ennobled Lord Chancellor; another was Lord Malmesbury, whose claims to high office could not be passed over; and the remaining three were pointed out by public opinion as the only possible incumbents of the places they held.

Thanks to Mr. Gladstone's autocratic use of the Royal prerogative the Session could not be opened until the 5th of March. At first, of course, the business was purely formal, nevertheless the scene was not without interest. "It was remarked," says an eye witness, "that the average age of members seemed higher than in any former Parliament, and that a young member meant a middle-aged man." There were a few old members who had survived the wreck; a few members who had lost their seats in the confusion of 1868, and who had now regained them, but the mass were men who were returned for the first time, and who were distinguished by their shyness and their air of expectancy. Mr. Brand was of course re-elected Speaker. Had Mr. Gladstone carried out the intention with which his friends accredited him of waiting for an adverse vote of the House before resigning, the future of the Government would have been decided upon this question. Happily wiser counsels prevailed, and Mr. Brand was re-elected without a pretence of opposition. Mr. Chaplin, a comparatively young member, proposed him in a neat and clearly spoken address, and Lord George Cavendish seconded the resolution with much tact and good feeling. Sir Percy Herbert, in the place of the leader of the House, congratulated Mr. Brand, and Mr. Gladstone confirmed the unanimous choice of the House. It was remarked at the time that although a small group around him cheered the fallen chieftain, the applause though continued was very feeble, and was not taken up below the gangway. The extreme section of the Liberal party in short took this mode of expressing its disapproval of the statesman who declined to follow them on such questions as the Repeal of the 25th Clause of the Education Act of 1870, and the Disestablishment of the English Church.

Scarcely had Mr. Disraeli taken possession of his official residence in

Downing Street when he was waited upon by a deputation from the "AntiIncome Tax League "one of those societies which apparently exist for the benefit of their officials-who exhorted him with much eloquence to carry out the programme which Mr. Gladstone had dangled before the constituencies in his Greenwich manifesto. They asked in one word for the total abolition of the Income Tax. The Premier listened to several speeches and replied with a levity rather characteristic. “I have had the advantage," said he, "of hearing your sentiments expressed by able representatives. It is impossible to deny the importance of the subject which you have urged upon our attention, and I can assure you in the grave consideration we are giving to it the objections you have made will have due attention. I can say no more at present." The deputation withdrew-"quite astonished," as some of its members afterwards declared, at the extreme levity with which their eloquence had been answered. The nation at large was, however, not ill satisfied to find that the first effort of the new Government was not to be an overthrow of the fiscal system. One member of this redoubtable deputation-a certain Alderman Green, of Leicester-promised the Premier "sounder sleep" if he would but remove the obnoxious impost. Mr. Disraeli took no notice of the generous promise, but quietly asked his interviewer what taxes he proposed to substitute for that to which he objected. Mr. Green abjectly withdrew-"he respectfully declined to mention any, but would leave the consideration of that matter to the Administration." After such a speech the reply of the Government was a matter of course.

A few days later came the question of the leadership of the Opposition. Mr. Gladstone was understood to be before all things anxious for repose, at all events for twelve months, and a report was assiduously disseminated that he proposed to travel on the Continent until the opening of the next Session. Then followed the news that he intended altogether to relinquish the Liberal leadership. The committee of the Reform Club met and begged him to do nothing of the kind, and the organs of the party urged that he should, if he would, take a year's rest and leave his duties to be discharged by the Marquis of Hartington. All remonstrance was useless. On the 13th of March a letter appeared bearing the signature of the leader of the Opposition and announcing-though unfortunately in that vague and inconclusive way which seems natural to him-his retirement from that onerous post. "For a variety of reasons personal to myself," he said, "I could not contemplate any unlimited extension of active political service. And I am anxious that it should be clearly understood by those friends with whom I have acted in the direction of affairs, that at my age I must reserve my entire freedom to divest myself of the responsibilities of leadership at no distant time. The need of rest will prevent me from giving more than occasional attendance in the House of Commons during the present Session. I should be desirous, shortly before the commencoment of the Session of 1875, to consider whether there would be ad