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warfare, actuated his heart and guided his pen in his admirable defence of the British constitution and the measures of the British ministry.
It was his utter abhorrence of civil war in all its forms, and his firm belief that the Americans were the needless aggressors, and therefore the authors of the war which then raged, which induced him to lift up his voice on that occasion, and to expostulate with the Americans, on the impolicy of their conduct. And although we believe that he labored under mistaken views in respect to the origin and nature of the contest, yet, as before observed, we can give him full credit for the uprightness of his intentions, in respect to the end he wished to accomplish, namely, the restoring peace between the mother country and her colonies. And as neither he himself, nor any of his advocates, ever thought of claiming for him infallibility in all things, so we find no difficulty in reconciling this aberration of his judgment with the known and acknowledged purity of his Christian character, or of his ministerial ability and fidelity.
Mr. Wesley, who also wrote against the American revolution, lived to see and acknowledge the hand of God in our national independence ; and under the conviction that He had strangely set us free' from both the political and ecclesiastical bondage of Great Britain, it was among the last acts of his life, to put into operation a system of measures to establish a Church here, according to his judgment as nearly as practicable to the apostolic model. And had Mr. Fletcher lived to witness the effects of the American revolution on our national happiness and prosperity, as well as the growth and extension of that Methodism which he so much loved, he, no doubt, would have also joined in celebrating that important event as indicative of the hand of God in putting up and down whomsoever it pleaseth Him.
As we fully believe that our national independence was achieved under the direction and control of an all wise and.gracious Providence, so we must set its Author above His honored servant, and acknowledge His hand, while we disown the sentiments which are advanced and advocated in Mr. Fletcher's political tracts. As Americans, we love the constitution of our country. As citizens of this growing and flourishing federative commonwealth, we venerate its civil institutions, and highly appreciate our religious privileges. We should, therefore, most feelingly deprecate the day when either the one or the other should be wrested from us either by open violence, or by the hand of any artful political demagogue. As Christians, we feel it a duty to pray that these political and religious institutions and privileges which have been bequeathed to us by our fathers fathers in the Church and the state--may be safely guaranteed to us and to our posterity. It remains, therefore, for us to say, that if any danger should arise to the
stability of our national compact, to our great federative union, based as it is upon reciprocal rights and privileges, we should rejoice to find in our republic a man equally as pious, as gifted, and as patriotic as was Mr. Fletcher, to lift up his voice, to employ his pen, and to exert his influence to avert the danger, and to prevent the overthrow of our political and religious institutions. Nor can we think that any man, be he a layman or clergyman, would step aside from the path of his duty in so doing. An extraordinary crisis requires and justifies the use of extraordinary means in order to meet it so as to prevent any deleterious consequences from resulting from it. And when the vessel of state is endangered by the assaults of an invidious and insidious foe, all should rally around its standard, with the memorable watch word vibrating upon our lips, · Don't give up the ship.' In such an hour of peril, when a prize of such magnitude is in jeopardy, all distinctions of sect and party, of cloth and character, are to be merged in that of patriot, the love of country absorbing for the time every other consideration.
We have made these remarks to apologize for the venerable man who thought it his duty to vindicate what he considered the rights of his king and country. That country was his country; and believing, as he did, that its peace and prosperity were at hazard by the revolt of the American colonies, he felt himself impelled from conscientious principles to let his voice be heard amidst the roar of cannon and the strife of swords, if peradventure he might hush them to silence.
It may, however, be asked, Why publish these tracts at all, seeing they are so adverse to the views and feelings of Americans ? We answer, because they belong to Mr. Fletcher's works, and because it is believed that every reader of these works will wish to examine all Mr. Fletcher may have written, whether he accord to the sentiments advanced or not. To leave out these from what professes to be a complete edition of Fletcher's works, would be an imposition on the public, and a tacit acknowledgment that the publishers were afraid to trust their readers so far as to form their own opinions on some branches of political science. It is, therefore, due to their author to preserve his works entire, not only on the above accounts, but also because the same evidence of a cultivated understanding, of deep and genuine piety, and of a strong desire for the present and eternal interests of men is discoverable in these political tracts, as is perceived to characterize all other parts of his writings. Indeed it seemed hardly possible for Mr. Fletcher to touch any subject without sprinka ling it profusely with the seeds of pure religion ; so thoroughly imbued was his whole soul with that word of God which is the seed of the kingdom.
REVIEW OF THE LIFE OF DR. ADAM CLARKE. An Account of the Infancy, Religious and Literary Life, of Adam
Clarke, LL.D., F.A.S., &c. Written by One who was intimately acquainted with Him from his Boyhood to the sixtieth Year of Age. Edited by the Rev. J. B. B. Clarke, M. A. Trinity College, Cambridge. New-York, published by B. Waugh 8. T. Mason, for the Methodist Episcopal Church.
THERE are certain epochs in the general history of the world, so distinctly marked by some extraordinary occurrences, as to form a sort of period, from which other transactions take their date. Thus from the creation to the flood-from the flood to the call of Abraham - from the call of Abraham to the going down of the children of Israel into Egypt--their deliverance from Egypt-their settlement in the land of Canaan—the establishment of their theocracy—the commeneement of the regal government--the reign of the Maccabees their subjection to the Roman government--and, finally, their entire overthrow and dispersion—are all important epochs in the history of the Israelitish nation, less or more distinctly marked, and which indicate a special providential interference either for or against them.
In the general history of the world, we may also notice certain great events, which stand forth as monuments of some salutary or calamitous revolution in the affairs of mankind. Among these are the build. ing of Babylon—of Nineveh-the foundation of the Grecian statesthe successive elevation and depression of the Assyrian, Persian, Grecian, and Roman empires--the final dissolution of the latterout of which sprung up the several kingdoms of Europe-then the discovery and settlement of America and, finally, its national independence. All these, with many more which might be noticed, stand upon the records of history, making distinct epochs of vast importance to the interests of mankind.
But perhaps no age of the world was ever distinguished by more memorable and important events than was the eighteenth century.-Look at the French revolution. This event, which was preceded by the long murmurings of infidelity which must have portended, in the estimation of all discerning minds, some dreadful convulsion, burst upon the world like a mighty volcano. After a long struggle the perturbed elements concentrating their accumulated force in the French capital, burst from their confinement with an irresistible fury, and threatened, by the broad stream of burning lava, which issued from its fiery crater, to sweep from the plains of Europe every vestige of royalty, of religion, of civil and religious liberty. Having, however, spent its fury in devouring so many living skeletons, it finally threw up a man who stampt up its scorching surface, and up sprung a race of beings, as different from their fellows in the structure of their minds, in their designs and destiny, as could well be imagined. Instead of that lean kind,' which had been engendered by the luxury of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, we behold rising from the hot bed of revolutionary France, a hardy race of statesmen, philosophers, and warriors, who made the earth to tremble at the boldness of their theories, the novelty of their plans, and the intrepidity of their military enterprises.
What epoch of the world ever produced so many renowned characters, as were engendered and matured during the progress of the French revolution! What age so prolific of historical details ! Almost numberless have been the histories, general and particular, of that eventful period, and yet the subject is not exhausted. No sooner is a book announced as having been written by any distinguished actor in that great drama, in which so many fell victims, and out of which arose such a host of statesmen and warriors, professing to detail either the general plans which were concocted behind the scene, or brought forth upon the stage before the public, than it is bought with avidity, read with eagerness, and its contents censured or praised according as they please or displease the taste and particular bias of its readers. Whoever slept over a page of the life of Bonaparte ! Who, in reading the history of Josephine, or, indeed, of any of the renowned members of his or her court, became fatigued, otherwise than by that exhaustion which follows an intense and long-continued mental exercise! So thrilling is the interest even now felt in the fate of those who were the principal actors in that great drama, which, when the scene was fully opened, shook all Europe to its centre, that every anecdote illustrative of that event is caught up and read with the greatest avidity.
But during this mighty struggle for civil dominion on the continent of Europe, there was an antagonist principle which began to develope
another order of men, in a distant member of the European family. We allude to the great revival of evangelical principles in England. And it is somewhat remarkable, and is a most striking indication of Divine Providence in behalf of His Church, that about the same time that the philosophical skepticism of France and Germany began to poison the minds of the people through the insidious writings of Voltaire and his associates, such a man as John Wesley should have been raised up to provide a sovereign antidote for that subtle poison. And whatever others may conclude, and however much we may be censured for either weakness or bigotry for the thought, we cannot but think that the rise and progress of Methodism, as it was promulgated and unfolded by John Wesley and his compeers, creates
as distinct an era in the Christian Church, and was productive of as magnificent results, as was the grand epoch of the reformation by Luther.
Look at the state of the Christian world at this important era.Where was pure and undefiled religion? It might have dwelt solitary in the breasts of a few obscure individuals. But the generality of mankind, in both hemispheres, were carried away by the inundating flood of infidelity, or more securely and insensibly wafted along upon the smooth sea of a morbid, philosophical Christianity. While, therefore, a few pious souls were languishingly breathing their almost smothered desires to God, the great proportion of mankind were following the track of infidelity • down to the chambers of death.'
Such was the state of the moral and religious world when John Wesley arose in the strength of his God, and at His command lifted up his voice on high, and began to proclaim with a loud voice, · Fear God and give glory to His name, for the hour of His judgment is come: and worship Him that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and the fountains of waters.' How potent was this voice! How many, until now dead in trespasses and sins,' sprung into new life, and began to • taste the powers of the world to come!'
Such a reformation was effected as the world never saw since the days of primitive Christianity. As the revolution in states and kingdoms prostrated ancient dynasties, and uprooted deeply-founded customs and usages, so the reformation resulting from the labors of Wesley and his coadjutors, introduced, in some respects, a new era in the Church, and it astonished the world by the utility of its plans and the means of its operation. For ages
it had been considered almost treason against Christ, the King of the Church, for any one to assume the office of a Christian teacher without having gone through a regular course of study at some college, and been canonically set apart for that office by the imposition of hands. It is true, the Friends and Baptists, and some other minor sects, had made some innovations upon this long-established custom; but they were too inconsiderable to attract much public attention, or very materially to disturb the general order of things.Wesleyan Methodism, however, introduced, in this respect, a new order of things. Men were raised up without any pretensions to learning, to authority from the priestly line of succession, who boldly stepped forward in the name of the Lord of hosts, to proclaim a war against principalities, and powers, and spiritual wickedness and high places.' So new and unheard of was this practice, that at first even Wesley himself looked on with astonishment, not knowing what to think of it. So strongly was he wedded to the established order of the Church, of which he was an accredited minister, when he first