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Globe Flight

On July 31 the American world fliers were to start on the last lap of their journey around the earth's crust. On that day the fog curled its haunches and lay down like a great gray beast from the Orkney Islands to Iceland. For two days, it did not stir. The fliers waited; all was ready. They had made the brief trip from Brough to Kirkwall easily, with a tall wind following them; in Kirkwall the engines had been tuned for the last time, final preparations had been made, even to giving each plane a carrier pigeon. The patrol of U. S. Navy vessels had reached their stations, forming a chain of safety. In Iceland, the natives of tiny villages had erected signs in English to welcome the airmen.

On Aug. 2, the fog still lingered, but the three planes took the air, pointing their noses north. Almost immediately they become separated; the fog was impenetrable.

Hopeless of keeping

their course, and fearing a collision, two planes-those of Lieuts. Smith and Wade-wheeled and turned back toward Scotland. One, the New Orleans of Lieut. Eric Nelson, kept on. Over 500 miles of icy and puckered water, through the confusing mist-banks, the New Orleans flew like a bodiless falcon, invisible, intrepid, swift. At first Lieut. Nelson feared that the course was lost. Then he sighted the Billingsley, from which he took his direction, as she was steaming in the line of flight. He followed the same procedure when he sighted the Reid and the Raleigh. At 3:40 in the afternoon he reached Iceland, the total time of the flight having been 8 hrs. and 40 min. "It was a cinch after the first two hours," said he, "but at the beginning it was nip and tuck."

Meanwhile, the planes which had put back waited for another chance to attempt the most perilous fight of their journey home. On Sunday, they hopped off. The sun was shining; there was no hint of fog. Wade had trouble starting. Before the flight had been long under way, word was received on board the U. S. S. Richmond that he had been forced down by engine trouble off the Island of Suderoe, in the Faroe group. The destroyer hurried to his rescue, assisted by a British trawler. In an effort to hoist the plane on board the trawler, part of the lifting mechanism broke, cracking the propeller, demolishing the port wing. Lieut. Wade, after so much dared, so much achieved, saw his plane in ruin and relinquished the flight. Smith went on, reaching Iceland, where he and Nelson prepared for their jump to Greenland,

& GOING

COMING. During the past week the following men, women, and animals arrived in the U. S. on the following ships:

On the Minnetonka (Atlantic Transport)-Dr. Arthur T. Hadley, Presi dent Emeritus of Yale University; B Arkell, President of the Beechnut Products Co.; Lieutenant-General Kameji Wada, leading a military mission from Japan; 46 British polo ponies for the International matches.

On the Aquitania (Cunard)-Miss Helen Wills and Vincent Richards, Olympic Tennis Champions; the Right Hon. Sir Samuel Hoare, Bart., Commissioner for the League of Nations to Care for Russian Refugees; Alfred C Bedford, Chairman of the Board Directors, Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey; Howard Heinz (pickles); William B. Leeds with his wife (Princess Xenia of Greece); Major E D. Metcalfe, Equerry to the Prince of Wales, to make arrangements for the latter's visit to the U. S.

On the Olympic (White Star)George F. Baker, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the First National Bank (Manhattan); Willis H. Booth, President of the International Chamber of Commerce, Vice President of the Guaranty Trust Co. (Manhattan); Sir James Arthur Salter, Economic and Financial Director of the League of Nations; Avery Hopwood and Arthur Richman, playwrights.

On the Resolute (United Arserican)-The victorious Yale Olympic Crew.

On the George Washington (United States)-Gen. Pershing and members of the Battlefield Monument Commission; King C. Gillette (safety razors.

On the President Roosevelt (United States)-Lou E. Holland, President of the Advertising Clubs of the World; William C. Prout, President of the Amateur Athletic Union.

GOING. During the past week the following men and women left the U. S. on the following ships:

On the Olympic (White Star)Henry Morgenthau, Chairman of the Greek Refugee Settlement Commission of the League of Nations, onetime L. S. Ambassador to Turkey; Lord Southborough, onetime Civil Lord of the British Admiralty, who has been in the U. S. making arrangements for the visit of the Prince of Wales in September.

On the Adriatic (White Star)-Ma A. Hamilton Gibbs, author, brother of Sir Philip Gibbs and Cosmo Hamil ton.

On the France (French)-Milton S. Hershey (chocolate); Anna Case, soprano, onetime of the Metropolitan Opera Company; 50 ex-U. S. Volun teer Ambulance Drivers, to revisit the Western Front,

centralized bureaucracy; in public office as a public trust; in a government administered without fear abroad or favoritism at home. . . .

"The civic unit of America is not the dollar but the individual man. We shall strive, therefore, for the things that look to these great ends; for the education of our youth, not only in knowledge gathered from past ages but in the wholesome virtue of self-help; for the protection of women and children from human greed and unequal laws; for the prevention of Child Labor and for the suppression of the illicit traffic in soul-destroying drugs. We shall con:serve all the natural resources of the country and prevent the hand of monopoly from closing on them and on our water powers, so that our children after us shall find this still a fair land to dwell within. And to the veterans of our wars, especially to those who were stricken and wounded in the country's service and whose confidence has been so cruelly and corruptly abused, we shall give," in honor and in honesty, the grateful care they have so justly earned. . . .",

1) Labor. "The right of Labor to an adequate wage earned under healthful conditions, the right to organize in order to obtain it and the right to bargain for it collectively, through' agents and representatives of its own choosing, have been established after many years of weary struggle. These rights are conceded now by all fairminded men. They must not be impaired either by injunction or by any other device. . . ."

2) Farmers. "To the farmers of the United States also we promise not patronage but such laws and such administration of the laws as will enable them to prosper in their own right. . . . They feel today, more severely perhaps than any others, the depressing effect of discriminatory taxation. Buying in a protected market and selling in a market open to the world, they have been forced to contribute to the profits of those in other industries with no compensating benefit to themselves. . . . We propose to see to it that the discriminations which the tariff makes against the farmer shall be removed; that his Government by doing its share toward a European settlement shall help to revive and enlarge his foreign markets; that, instead of lip service to the principle of coöperative marketing, the forces of the Government shall be put actively at work to lend assistance to these endeavors;

that the farmer shall be supplied not only with information on problems of production but with information such as the dealer now receives concerning the probable use and demand for his product, so that he may be enabled to think as intelligently as the dealer in terms of consumption and demand. . . . He is entitled, too, to demand an adequate service of transportation at reasonable rates. In spite of the failures and shortcomings of existing laws, this is an ideal which I cannot believe to be beyond the reach of attainment. . . .

3) Taxation. "The exorbitant rates and discriminatory provisions of the present tariff law must be wiped out, and in their place must be written, with fairness to all and favors to none, a statute designed primarily to raise revenue for the support of the government and framed on a truly competitive basis. . .

4) Economy. "I shall, if elected, welcome the opportunity to support and strengthen the beginnings which have been made in the direction of à national budget. We must have, in addition, an economy which consists not merely in securing a dollar's worth for every dollar spent, but that far less popular form of economy which imitates the prudent householder in doing without the things one wishes but cannot at the time afford. Economy, however, begins at the wrong end when it attacks the pay of government employes, who are justly entitled to pay equal to that they would receive from private employers for similar work. . . ."

5) Law Enforcement. "To the enforcement of the law, and all the law, we stand definitely pledged. We shall enforce it as fearlesly against wealth that endeavors to restrain trade and create monopoly as against poverty that counterfeits the currency; as vigorously against ambition which seeks to climb to office through the corrupt use of money as against the lesser greed that robs the mails. For no reason that is apparme the question has been asked, as perhaps it will continue to be asked until it has been definitely answered, what views I hold concerning the enforcement of the Eighteenth Amendment and the statutes passed to put it into effect. Why the question; is it not the law? . . ."

ent to

6) Disarmament. "But all that we do will be undone; all that we build will be torn down; all that we hope for will be denied, unless in conjunction with the rest of mankind we can lift the burden of vast armaments which now weighs upon the world and

silence the recurring threat of war. This we shall not do by pious wishes or fervid rhetoric. We will not contribute to it as a nation simply by offering to others, no more concerned than ourselves, our unsolicited advice. . . . In the name of the Democratic Party, therefore, I promise to the country that no enterprise sincerely directed to this end will lack our approval and coöperation. . . .”

7) World Court. "We favor the World Court in sincerity and not merely for campaign purposes nor as an avenue of escape from the consideration of larger questions. . . .”

8) League of Nations. "We do not and we cannot accept the dictum unauthorized by any expression of popular will that the League of Nations is a closed incident so far as we are concerned. . . . The march of events has shown not only that the League has within it the seed of sure survival but that it is destined more and more to become the bulwark of peace and order to mankind. Fifty-four nations now sit around its council table. Ireland, I rejoice to say, has shaken off her long subjection; and once more a nation has made her entry into the League the sign and symbol of her glorious rebirth. The time cannot be far distant when Germany will take the seat to which she is rightly entitled. Russia, Mexico and Turkey will make the roll, with one exception, entire and complete. None of the nations in all this lengthening list have parted with their sovereignty or sacrificed their independence, or have imperilled by their presence their safety at home or their security abroad. . . . On sheerest grounds of national safety, I cannot think it prudent that the United States should be absent whenever all the other nations of the world assemble to discuss world problems.

Neither have I at any time believed, nor do I now believe, that the entrance of America into the League can occur, will occur or should occur until the common judgment of the American people is ready for the step. . . . Nor can I reconcile it with my ideas of the dignity of a great nation to be represented at international gatherings only under the poor pretense of 'unofficial observation.' If I become President of the United States, America will sit as an equal among equals whenever she sits at all."

9) Ku Klux Klan. We have taken occasion to reaffirm our belief in the constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and to deplore and condemn any effort from whatever source to

arouse racial or religious dissension in this country. . . . From one who aspires to the Presidency, however, a declaration even more direct than this may rightfully be expected. I wish also to state how and in what way the views I entertain are to influence my actions. Into my hands will fall, when I am elected, the power to appoint thousands of persons to office under the Federal Government. When that time arrives I shall set up no standard of religious faith or racial origin as a qualification for any office. . . ."

Peroration. "It is known of all men that the nomination which you tender me was not made of my seeking. It comes, I am proud to believe, as the unanimous wish of one of the most deliberative conventions in American history, which weighed in the balance with soberness my too scanty virtues and my manifold shortcomings. I am happy, however, in the thought that it finds me free from pledge or promise to any living man. . . . When it becomes necessary, as no doubt it will, to raise funds for the conduct of the campaign, they will be contributed with this understanding and this only: that neither the Democratic Party nor I, as its leader, have any favors for sale. We can make but one promise to all men alike, that of an honest, an impartial and, so far as human wisdom will permit, a just government. In this spirit I accept your nomination. . . .

Four Letters

Dear Mr. Allen-In reply to your letter, which has been brought to my attention, I answer the question in the same direct manner you put it; by saying that I am not, never have been and will not become a member of the Ku Klux Klan.

I trust that in my coming speech of acceptance I shall make my position on the great question of religious toleration too plain for any misunderstanding or dispute.

Yours sincerely,

(Signed) JOHN W. DAVIS.

Devere Allen, Esq.
396 Broadway, New York, N. Y.

Mr. Robert P. Scripps, New York City. Dear Mr. Scripps-Your letter of Aug. 1 received. You ask where I stand on the Ku Klux Klan. Similiar inquiries have come to me from others. I take the liberty of making my answer to you public. This will inform all those interested in knowing my attitude on this question. . . .

I am unalterably opposed to the evident purpose of the secret organiza

tion known as the Ku Klux Klan, as disclosed by its public acts.

It cannot long survive. Abraham Lincoln, nearly 70 years ago, set forth his views on this question in a letter to his friend Mr. Joshua F. Speed, dated Springfield, Ill., Aug. 24, 1855:

"You inquire where I now stand. That is a disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are

International

ABRAHAM LINCOLN "Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid"

no Whigs, and that I am an Abolitionist. "I am not a Know-Nothing; that is certain. How could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of Negroes be in favor of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation we began by declaring that 'all men are created equal, except Negroes.'

"When the Know-Nothings get control, it will read: 'All men are created equal except Negroes and foreigners and Catholics.' When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving liberty to Russia, for instance, where depotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy of hypocrisy.

"Your friend forever,
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

With this statement from Abraham Lincoln I would join also a passage from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson to Edward Dows in 1803:

"I never will, by word or act, bow to the shrine of intolerance, or admit

a right of inquiry into the religious opinions of others."

Upon these statements of Jefferson and Lincoln, expressing the sentiments which I am happy to believe the vast majority of our citizens cherish and to which they will ever rigidly adhere, and upon my own views expressed in this letter, I am content to stand without qualification or evasion.

Sincerely yours,

(Signed) ROBERT M. LAFOLLETTE.

Wallflower?

If there is happiness in being the chief attraction of a great celebration. then Mr. LaFollette must feel slighted that no committee came around to notify him that he is a candidate for the Presidency. That this was not the case was only natural, however, since he is nominally an independent candidate, who nominated himself and accepted only endorsements from others. For any organization to have notified him of his nomination would have been supererogation. Of course, he could have been notified if he so desired.

Instead, he has been living very quietly at his Washington home, Benjamin Franklin-wise, rising at 7:30 and retiring at 10:30, spending the day at his office, and riding in his automobile in the evening. Of speeches he has made none. In writing, every now and thenjust often enough to keep on the front page-he injects himself into the public mind at regular intervals: writing a letter on the Ku Klux Klan, wiring the American Federation of Labor to thank it for its endorsement.

The real notification ceremony for Mr. LaFollette took place some time back, when he said to himself: "Bob, you are going to run. Of course, there's no chance of your being elected President, but if you make a good showing you may be the father of a new party. More than that, if you succeed in throwing the election into Congress. you will hold the balance of power, and the balance of power is as good as a sceptre-and lighter."

It is because Mr. LaFollette is thus running without running that Frank R Kent (famed political writer) made the remark, perhaps a bit stringent but yet with an element of truth: "Either Mr. Coolidge or Mr. Davis may be elected President. LaFollette is safe in saying and doing a lot of things impossible for them. They might have to 'make good.' He will not be called on."

Meanwhile, Mr. LaFollette, like a wise musketeer, withheld his fire until his enemies disclosed their plan of at

tack.

Following their notification speeches, he planned to "open" with a speech in Manhattan. Evidently, Mr. LaFollette is not afraid of Wall Street; but more than one newspaper would pay a pretty penny for a photograph of him parading that thoroughfare say, in front of the House of Morgan.

THE CABINET Over-Stocked

Do you want a buffalo in your home? If so, you can obtain one by applying to Secretary Work at the Department of the Interior. You must agree to pay the cost of capturing your buffalo on the range in Yellowstone Park. You must agree to pay the cost of shipping it from the Park to your home. Then it's your very own, except that you must also agree to care for the buffalo and not to kill it except in selfdefense.

The reason that the Department is making this offer-absolutely free and with only a few obligations on your part-is that Yellowstone Park is becoming overstocked with buffalos and the cost of feeding them is growing greater every year. Originally, only a few animals could be obtained to stock the Park, and the Department feared that the species would soon become extinct. Not so. The herd grew steadily, until now there are 730 fine specimens of this healthy breed. Last Spring alone, there were 114 calves. The Interior is unwilling to kill these animals, and so offers them, a limited number, to those lucky citizens who apply in time-ABSOLUTELY FREE.

There is no cause for you to be alarmed by the rapid rate of increase of the buffalo, for, although you are bound to care for and not to kill the specimen you get from the Park, you are not bound to preserve the life of any offspring to which your animal may give birth.

LABOR

Broken Health

Last week the able correspondent, Clinton W. Gilbert, penned these words: "When Samuel Gompers made a report to the Executive Council of his Federation of Labor in favor of indorsing LaFollette and Wheeler he ceased to be the leading figure in the American labor movement, or, rather, by his own act he recognized that that

Amalgamated Clothing Workers and several others who were quicker than he had been to see how the bloc tendency in American politics suited the purposes of organized Labor. It was they -not Gompers-who had made Labor the factor it was in the Congressional election of 1922. And they carried the bulk of organized Labor along with them when the bloc put up its candidate for President this year. Gompers had little choice but to follow. The significance of it is that the American labor movement has entered upon a new phase and that Gompers' day is past. He is old, broken in health and his power will not long survive the passing of leadership into other hands."

Whether Mr. Gompers' health is the all-powerful factor in the situation is a question. The venerable leader, it is true, has not been well for some time and is at present far from well. Instead of Mr. Gompers frequently appearing before newspaper men as formerly, now there usually appears another who may speak for Mr. Gompers or for others who have superseded the old leader in the real exercise of the Federation's power. In his few appearances before the press the fact of his illness, his unsteady step, an unwonted hesitation of manner were evident.

But whether or not Mr. Gompers is

still the power of the Labor movement, he is still its figurehead. To him last week were credited the words of the Federation, in what may be called a posthumous account of a controversy. This related to an attempt by John W. Davis to secure the endorsement of the Federation or at least to forestall the endorsement of LaFollette and Wheeler. Needless to say, the effort was unsuccessful.

William B. Wilson, a member of the Democratic National Committee, onetime member of the Executive Board of the United Mine Workers and onetime Secretary of Labor, wrote to Mr. Gompers on Mr. Davis's behalf. He declared that Mr. Davis deserved Labor's support because:

1) As a lawyer in West Virginia, he had volunteered to defend miners arrested during strike troubles :

2) As a member of Congress, he had written several sections of the Clayton Anti-Trust Law;

3) As Solicitor. General, he had successfully defended the Adamson 8Hour-Day-Law for the railways, thus preventing a strike.

In conclusion, Mr. Wilson suggested that the Executive Council of the Federation, or some representative of the Council, go to Clarksburg, W. Va., and hear Mr. Davis's speech of acceptance before endorsing any candidate.

We

Mr. Gompers replied to Mr. Wilson after the Council had endorsed Messrs. LaFollette and Wheeler, and had opposed both Republican and Democratic tickets and platforms. He did not reply to Mr. Wilson's first point. Of the second (in regard to the Clayton Act) he wrote: "We are likewise fully informed as to all who rendered valuable services in that legislation. must dissent from the conclusions related by you." In reply to the third point, he said: "It was the machinery of the movement, and not the Supreme Court and Mr. Davis, which prevented the strike." As for the request to visit Clarksburg before coming to a decision, Mr. Gompers felt that it was "utterly impossible and inconceivable."

Incidentally, in this letter Mr. Gompers let it be known that he had received in July a request for a personal conference with Mr. Davis, but that, after several exchanges of letters, other matters had prevented the meeting.

To all this Mr. Wilson replied with another letter, reviewing Mr. Davis's labor record at even greater length and saying:

So far as Senator La Follette's labor record dealing with domestic affairs is con