Vol. IV. No. 9

The Weekly News-Magazine

NATIONAL

THE PRESIDENCY The Plymouth Week

Mr. Coolidge stayed up late one night at his father's home in order to hear by radio General Dawes' speech, accepting the Republican nomination for Vice President (see Page 2). From Plymouth to Evanston a telegram winged its way:

GENERAL CHARLES G. DAWES
WE CONGRATULATE YOU
HAVE JUST HEARD YOUR AD-
DRESS WITH GREAT SATISFAC-
TION I OFFER YOU MOST
HEARTY

CONGRATULATIONS
CALVIN COOLIDGE.

Thomas A. Edison, Henry Ford, Harvey Firestone and the latter's son, Russell, motored into Plymouth and stopped at the Coolidge farmhouse. The President took them through the ocal cheese factory, of which his father s part owner, and gave Mr. Ford a sap bucket, of pine with ash hoops, capacty 16 quarts, which had been made for and used by John Coolidge, a great-' great-grandfather of the President, who died in 1822. Everybody's picture was taken; and the President's words vere gobbled up by reporters.

September 1, 1924

of the Government, a flying field and grounds of 4,500 acres, presented by the citizens of Dayton. Said he by letter: "The people of Dayton, in presenting this historic tract of 4,500 acres to the National Government, have insured that it will always be maintained for the service that has won it fame.

I am writing to you because I want in this formal manner to record the Government's appreciation of this fine act and to set down the assurance of my personal congratulations to the people of Dayton."

The President entered his motor car with C. Bascom Slemp and drove about a mile to the home of his cousin, Edward Blanchard. There he put on a pair of overalls, removed his collar and tie, loaded a hay wagon. Pictures

CONTENTS

National Affairs Foreign News

Music

1-6

7-12

13

Cinema

13

Books

.14-15

The Theatre

.15-16

I The President at one time, his son ohn at another, pitched horseshoes on he local court.

I Although tourists haunted the enirons of the Coolidge house at all ours of the day, the neighbors genally kept at a modest distance. So e President and Mrs. Coolidge sent ut word that everybody should drop round at three o'clock on Saturday iternoon. Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge alked out and stood under the shade f maple trees, while a long line of eighbors formed, had their hands aken and received a few words each, epending on the degree of their cquaintanceship.

I The President accepted, on behalf

Science

The Press

17 17-19 19, 22, 26

..20-21 22

Education
Business & Finance.
Sport

Aeronautics

24-26 27-30 30-31

were then taken; and the President retired.

At a press conference in the executive offices above the village store, the President told correspondents that he was not prepared to press the question of another Disarmament Conference until European nations began to get on their feet following a Reparations settlement.

THE CAMPAIGN Seagirt

To make his second major speech of the campaign, John W. Davis traveled from his Manhattan headquarters down to Seagirt, N. J., as a guest of Governor Silzer of that State. He spoke first of Wilson, then of the Oil and Veterans' Bureau scandals, of the Fordney-McCumber tariff, of Foreign Affairs, of the Ku Klux Klan.

We

A Previous Visit. "This is my secnd appearance at Seagirt. You will not be surprised if I find my memory turning at this time to the circumstances of my earlier visit. It happened on a hot July day, twelve years ago. I was one of a party of 200 or more who tramped in the dust from the station to the Governor's house at Seagirt. At our head marched that grand old Roman, Champ Clark, then the Speaker of the House of Representatives. were calling on a Governor of New Jersey who had just received the Democratic nomination for the Presidency. Most of that company, including myself, had never made his personal acquaintance. It was our errand to assure him of our hearty support and to place ourselves at his service. The impressions of the day were summed up for me by one of my colleagues as we tramped back to the waiting train. Said he: 'When that man comes to Washington there will be a leader in the White House.""

Corruption. "In 1913, the lobby was scourged from Washington; in 1921, like a flock of unclean birds hastening to the feast, it gathered from the four winds and descended upon the city. The Little Green House in K Street was set up for sinister purposes

but partly disclosed. Its occupants and their friends soon proved that they lacked neither zeal nor appetite.

"First of all came oil. At the head of the buccaneers as they marched along rode the Secretary of the Interior. And after oil, the veterans. Here was a rare field for enterprise. A year and a half after Congress had appropriated $33,000,000 for building purposes, only 200 hospital beds had been added to the Bureau's equipment, and those in a hospital purchased readymade. If it be true that public interest in these things has waned, is it not a public duty to see that it is revived before the day of judgment comes?

"If the fact is that the public resources have been squandered, is it any answer to say that a budget system has been installed? If unfit and corrupt men have been put and kept in office and left to their devices, is it a sufficient defense that the Administration was not actually desirous of dishonesty? If the wounded veteran has been defrauded of the care that was his due, is there any comfort to him in the fact that Congress made lavish appropriations?"

Tariff. "The tariff afforded an opening to hosts of privilege for an assault less direct but far more devastating to the public pocketbook. We are told that America in 1921 was threatened from abroad by an 'impending avalanche of suddenly cheapened merchandise' from which it was narrowly saved by the beneficent action of the Fordney-McCumber tariff.

"Let me give you two or three illustrations of what a high protectionist means when he talks of a commercial avalanche: Under a Democratic tariff sewing machines, necessary in every home, were on the free list and we were importing scarcely 1% of the value of our domestic production. This was an avalanche, however, not to be tamely borne and a duty of 33 1/3% was imposed to check it.

"In rubber footwear, our imports were too small to be worth reporting, but the duty nevertheless was raised 150%. In manufactures of wool, our imports were less than 6% of the domestic production, so the rates of duty were increased by 80%."

Foreign Affairs. "There was a day when America sat in the council of the Nations, occupying at their table the seat of honor and of dignity that was her right. There was a day when she made covenants and engagements in her own name and was not content to be merely the beneficiary of the effort and good-will of others. Today, apparently, she has no other program

than to 'encourage American citizens and resources to assist in restoring Europe with the sympathetic support'-but nothing more of our Government.' It is a far cry to this from the declaration of Theodore Roosevelt that 'If we are to be a really great people we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world.'"

Ku Klux Klan. "If any organization, no matter what it chooses to be called, whether Ku Klux Klan or by any other name, raises the standard of racial and religious prejudice or attempts to make racial origins or religious beliefs the test of fitness for public office, it does violence to the spirit of American institutions and must be condemned by all those who believe as I do in American ideals.

"I repeat that these matters must not be permitted to divert the attention of the public from the vital questions now before them. I venture, therefore, to express the hope that the nominee of the Republican Party will see fit by some explicit declaration to join in entirely removing this topic from the field of political debate."

mental things like this must be fough

out.

"Our party-the Republican Party the party of progressive conservatismunder the leadership of Presiden Coolidge, has taken its stand firml upon the Constitution of the Unite States, and all know where it stands Opposed to it, and in reality its chie opponent, though the result of th effort may be to deadlock the con test for the Presidency and mak Bryanism succeed the Coolidg policy, is a movement of untried an dangerous radicalism.

"With a platform drawn by on man, designed to soften as much a possible the apprehensions as to wha the movement really means, an at tempt is made to induce those wh are patriotic at heart but disconcerte with existing conditions to join wit the Socialists and other diverse ele ments opposing the existing order things, in a mobilization of extrem radicalism. A man is known by th company he keeps.

"Lying between these two armid of progressive conservatism and o radicalism, which are properly aligne upon this issue in the minds and con sciences of the American people, interposed the Democratic Party, wit one conservative and one radica candidate on its ticket, hoping to ge votes by avoiding the issue. ...

"In Congress during the last few years the American citizen has heard more demagogic utterances than have ever before characterized it. He has seen men running for Congress and the Senate, advocating in the same State at the same time and irrespective of their inconsistency, increased wages for railroad labor and decreased railroad rates, and higher prices for beef on the hoof and lower prices for beef on the table.

"It is not too much to say that from the average candidate for office in either party, he must accept either evasion or a doctrine designed to please him and appeal to his prejudices, irrespective of whether or not it tends to plunge the whole country into disaster.

". . . . Through the War of the Revolution, through the Civil War and through the World War, our people have struggled to establish and maintain our Constitutional principles.

"They are asked to follow into an attack upon them, massed behind an aggressive personality, a heterogene ous collection of those opposing the existing order of things, the greatest section of which, the Socialists, flies the red flag; and into what? Into con

fusion and conflict of ideas and ideals and into the reopening of war upon those fundamental principles of human liberty and the inalienable rights of men which are giving in this country safety and opportunity to the humblest, and to establish which the blood of our forefathers was shed. This is the predominant issue in this campaign.

"The League of Nations, however noble may have been its intentions, was not approved by the people of the United States, because it did not make clear to their minds that it did not encroach upon the sovereignty and the power and right of independent decision of the United States as to its own duty and action under all circumstances. . . .

"The Republican platform is right. in assuming that the United States, in its own interests and the interests of the world, if it is to play its part and perform its duty in international matters, must do so outside of membership in the League of Nations. . .

"Under President Harding and President Coolidge, in pursuance of this constructive foreign policy, there has been urged upon the Nation membership in the World Court."

In Maine

Closely following his notification in Evanston, and only the day after John W. Davis' second speech (see above), Charles G. Dawes went to Maine in preparation for the September election there. Until a week or two ago, there was great uncertainty as to which of two candidates was going to be the Republican nominee for Governor. There was a prolonged recount contest between Ralph O. Brewster, who went into the primaries with Klan support, and his opponent, who was anti-Klan. Finally, only a few days ago, the nomination was given to Brewster.

The day General Dawes appeared there, Mr. W. R. Pattangall, the Democratic nominee, aiming to take advantage of the Klan split in the Republican ranks, published in the newspapers two questions addressed to General Dawes:

"Do you agree to the proposition set up by the Republican managers of Maine that a vote for a Klan-controlled candidate is a vote for Coolidge and Dawes?"

"Do you believe that the Ku Klux Klan fills any useful place in the life of the United States?"

In opening his speech at Augusta, General Dawes launched directly into the Klan question:

"The questions of Mr. Pattangall,

which appear in the press this morning, are the familiar trick questions of the ordinary politician. They are not the cause of the statement I am about to make.

"Let me say at once that I recognize that the Ku Klux Klan in many localities and among many people represents

Wide World

FIRMIN GÉMIER

"An invitation was written"

only an instinctive groping for leadership, moving in the interest of law enforcement, which they do not find in many cowardly politicians and officeholders. But it is not the right way to forward law enforcement. . . .

"Appeals to racial, religious or class. prejudice by minority organizations are opposed to the welfare of all peaceful and civilized communities."

He continued, touching on Mr. Davis' speech:

"Every honest man is as indignant as Mr. Davis is at a betrayal by anyone of the high trust of public office, but they also expect that in discussing a matter of such importance our political orators seek to present facts in their proper and correct relation to the welfare of the people. Common sense and fairness alike revolt at the suggestion that these individual derelictions, which the Administration has set out to punish, should outweigh, in the judgment of American citizens, the honesty and the accomplishments of the most successful business administration of Government our people have ever had. . . "American labor knows that its inter

ests are subserved by the position of the Republican party on the tariff. It knows that its welfare depends upon the protective tariff policy sponsored by the Republican Party; and that the reversal of that policy, demanded by the Democratic Party, means lower wages and a lower standard of living. It knows that the success of LaFollette means chaos, out of which can only come lower wages and lower standards of living for all our people. . . .

"The benefits of trade unions, honestly administered, are recognized not only by me, but by good citizens generally, whether in or out of trade unionism. It has elevated, protected and dignified labor, and in so doing it has been an element in the progress of our Nation. . . ."

Progressives' Itinerary

More than 500 invitations were issued to the popular Senator LaFollette to speak on Labor Day. He finally decided, according to his report from Washington to accept them all, by delivering an address from the Capital via radio.

In general, Senator La Follette's speaking engagements have not been completely booked. He is expected to speak in St. Louis, in Kansas City, in Chicago, in Cleveland, perhaps in Detroit and in Manhattan. But those matters will be decided later. Meanwhile, Senator Wheeler is concentrating his energies on New England. He expects to speak early in September at Boston, Worcester, Portland, Manchester, Providence, in Connecticut and in northern New York. Evidently the Progressive strategy is to strike at their outlying regions first before centring on the Northwest.

THE CABINET Gracious

America and Americans are not noted for their success in turning graceful compliments. In 1920, the French Government officially invited James K. Hackett, U. S. actor, to appear in Macbeth and Othello at the Theatre Odéon in Paris under the auspices of the Ministry of Fine Arts. It was a gracious compliment.

The United States has not reached the stage of civilization in which its Government may possess a Ministry of Fine Arts. Nevertheless, there are Americans possessed of both the will and the means to aid the fine arts. A committee of patrons was formed; an invitation was written to Firmin

Gémier,* actor, manager of the Odéon, to bring his company to the U. S. This invitation is to be conveyed by the State Department through the usual diplomatic channels, in order to return as far as possible the gracious compliment of France to the American stage.

Incidentally, the committee of patrons which makes possible this courtesy carries a roster of names, great in almost every field of endeavorArt, Finance, Law, Education, Politics. Otto H. Kahn is Honorary President. James K. Hackett is Honorary Executive Secretary. Others include W. Vincent Astor, George F. Baker Jr., James M. Beck, David Belasco, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Paul D. Cravath, John W. Davis, Robert W. De Forest, John Emerson (President of the Actors' Equity Association), Charles Dana Gibson, Robert Underwood Johnson, Thomas W. Lamont, Clarence H. Mackay, Frederick William MacMonnies, Frank L. Polk, E. T. Stotesbury, Augustus Thomas, Harry Payne Whitney, George W. Wickersham, Owen D. Young.

In Paris

Andrew W. Mellon sojourned in Paris. "He is sounding out the French on the debt and reparations questions," said one half of the press. "He has not seen a Government official; he sits every day for Sir William Orpen, who is painting his portrait," said the other half of the press. Mr. Mellon, from his remarks, appeared to be considering the financial aspects of the maxim: Reden ist Silber; Schweigen ist Gold.

CONGRESS

Vacant Seat

The death of Senator Colt of Rhode Island (TIME, Aug. 25) leaves a situation which may bear the seeds of national consequence. Senator Colt's term was to expire next March. Whoever is elected to fill out his term will have only about three months' active service in Congress. Ordinarily there would not be a great fight for such a seat. Now it is different.

The composition of the Senate is

*Firmin Gemier was born in Paris in 1865. The records reveal that fact quite plainly, but they do not give the whole truth, which is that Gemier was born an actor.

Most of M. Gemier's successes have been scored in the Théâtre de l'Odéon, France's second national theatre, although, from an artistic viewpoint, it might well deserve to be ranked first. In 1921 M. Gemier arrived at the summit of his ambition when he was appointed Manager of the Odéon, the theatre where he has created some 30 roles, many of which were in the plays of Moliere and Shakespeare.

GENERAL HINES

He will step up

50 Republicans, 43 Democrats, two Farmer-Laborites, one vacancy. As suming, however, that the election of President and Vice President should. be thrown into Congress, it is to be expected that the two Farmer-Labor ites with at least three Republicans, LaFollette, Ladd and Frazier, would vote for Gov. Bryan rather than for Gen. Dawes. This would make the line-up: Bryan 48, Dawes 47. Hence the vacant seat, then occupied by either a Republican or a Democrat, might make a great difference in the result.

So both parties will make as great a contest for the short term in the Rhode Island seat as they will for the long term which follows.

ARMY & NAVY

Farewell!

Preparations have been made for radiocasting from the War Department at Washington, at 10:30 P. M. on Sept. 12, General Pershing's speech

of farewell, marking the closing

minutes of his service in the Army and the celebration of Defense Day. The number of possible hearers will greatly contrast with the handful of officers and men who heard Washat ington's farewell Rocky Point, N. J., almost a century and a half

ago.

Incidentally, General Pershing's rank

and full pay will go from him. He now receives $13,500 in pay and $8,000 in allowances-$21,500 in all. After his retirement he will receive $10,125 in pay and no allowances. This is due to the failure of Congress to give him the rank and pay of a General for life. In Washington, there is some dissatisfaction with this failure of Congress, because General Pershing is well equipped physically to continue in active service; and because, by contrast, George Dewey was made an Admiral of the Navy with full pay for life.

When General Pershing steps down from his post as Chief of Staff, Major General John Leonard Hines will step up. But it will be a short step. General Hines is already Deputy Chief of Staff, and acts as the military head of the Army during General Pershing's absences from Washington. His temporary job merely becomes permanent.

Incidentally, the change will bring to the highest post in the Army a War-made officer, whose rise in rank was extremely rapid. In 1917, General Hines was a major in the regu lar Army. He had been graduated almost 26 years earlier from West Point. His most prominent post had been as Adjutant General of the "Punitive Expedition" to Mexico in