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stitution as ratified in 1870.

National Affairs-[Continued]

People say: "Oh, yes, that is the Constitution, but the Southern States get around it by 'grandfather clauses' in their Constitutions prohibiing any one from voting if his grandfather did not vote." As a matter of fact, there is no such clause in the Constitution of any Southern State at the present time. Other and equally, if not more, effective means have been found to keep Negroes from voting.

Frank R. Kent, in his recent book, The Great Game of Politics,* lists seven checks now applied to the Negro in politics:

1) The "white" primary;

2) Educational qualifications; 3) The poll tax;

4) The selfishness of white Republican leaders;

5) The strength of white public sentiment against Negro participation; 6) The habit of not voting;

7) The futility of voting.

The first of these, the white primary, was recently put on the statute books of Texas. A law was passed prohibiting Negroes from taking part in Democratic primaries in the State. Inasmuch as the Democratic Party is practically supreme in Texas, the Democratic primary, as far as importance goes, really takes the place of the election. The new Texas law is about to be tested in the courts to see whether it conflicts with the Amendment above quoted. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is undertaking the fight. It announced in a recent bulletin:

"The N. A. A. C. P. fight is being undertaken against a new law which was enforced at the recent primary of July 26.

"At that election, Dr. L. A. Nixon, a colored citizen of El Paso, and a regular Democrat of many years' standing, who had voted in previous Democratic primaries, presented himself at the polls and was denied the privilege of casting his ballot.

"Dr. Nixon has brought suit for $5,000 damages against election judges C. C. Herndon and Charles Porras. Dr. Nixon's attorneys being F. C. Knollenberg, a member of the local N. A. A. C. P., and Robert J. Channell."

ARMY & NAVY Encampment No. 58

The Grand Army of the Republic met once more, for the 58th reunion and National encampment in Boston. Some business was attended to: Dr.

THE GREAT GAME OF POLITICS-Frank R. Kent-Doubleday ($2.00).

Louis Arensberg, of Uniontown, Pa., was elected to succeed Gaylord M. Saltzgaber, of Van Wert, Ohio, as National Commander; Grand Rapids, Mich., was chosen as the site of the 59th encampment next year; the legislative committee was instructed to


"Mr. McCarl went off half-cocked"

present a bill to Congress giving all Civil War veterans $72 a month, the disabled $100, and the totally disabled $155. But the main feature of the encampment for these men, now averaging 82 years of age, was the opportunity of marching together

once more.

When the day for the Grand Parade came, rain began to fall. Assembling in the downpour, 1,350 veterans marched the 21 blocks over the scheduled route; 2,500 more followed in automobiles. All of them might have ridden if they had cared to, but most of them preferred to march, rain or no rain.

General Pershing and Governor Cox, of Massachusetts, reviewed the parade of the veterans. While rain fell, continuously, heavily, old men marched, marched.


Anti-Feminist McCarl

The U. S. Government has denied diplomatic recognition to the Lucy Stone League. A nurse in St. Elizabeth's Hospital, Washington, was married last May. The hospital changed her name on its rolls. But the nurse refused absolutely to sign

her married name to the payroll, had her lawyer notify the authorities that she wished to retain her maiden


This, naturally, disturbed Secrétary of the Interior Work. Besides, it complicated the payroll of the hospital, which is under the Interior Department. Mr. Work asked Comptroller General John R. McCarl for an opinion on the case-Mr. McCarl having authority, since he watches over payrolls and all other disbursements from the public purse. Mr. McCarl consulted his legal advisers and decided against the nurse's maiden name. Said he:

"The law in this country, that a wife takes the surname of the husband, is as well settled as that the domicile of the wife merges in the domicile of the husband. A wife might reside apart from her husband, but so long as she remains his lawful wife she has but one legal domicile and that is the domicile of the husband. So it is with the name. She may have an assumed name, but she has but one legal name. The separate legal entity of the wife is not so generally recognized as to accept the maiden name rather than the surname of the husband. It is today the main distinction between a single woman and a married woman, and such fact in the past has appeared upon the payrolls. There appears no valid reason why it should not so continue, and the payroll should state the fact accordingly."

To this Mrs. Heywood Broun 2nd, alias Ruth Hale, a member of the Lucy Stone League, made answer:

"Mr. McCarl's statement is not true. If Mr. McCarl would look into the matter he would find abundant court decisions in this country and England that the name a woman chooses to use is her legal name, and that her baptismal name is accepted contracts.



"Mr. McCarl went off half-cocked. It is true that the legal domicile of a married woman is that of her husband; but when he made it an analogy with a married woman's legal name, he showed he did not know the facts. He said, in effect: 'As it is with the domicile, so it is with the name.' But so it is not with the name."

"Me For Ma"

In Texas, a novel situation has arisen in regard to the sex of the next Governor. There has never been a woman Governor before, but

National Affairs-[Continued]

Texas stands a good chance of having one next year.

Texas has two Democratic primaries. In the first of these, it is fairly easy to get on the ballot. In the second, only the two leaders in the first primary contend for the nomination. Texas is solidly Democratic, so that the second Democratic primary generally is equivalent to an election.

This year there were nine candidates in the first primary, held in July. One of them, Judge Felix D. on the Robertson, nominally sat Klan fence, although the Klan endorsed him. The others were all more or less openly opposed to the Klan. Among these candidates was Mrs. Miriam Ferguson, wife of exGovernor James E. Ferguson, who, in 1917, was impeached while in office, on ten counts, one of them charging that he used the State funds to pay a personal debt of some $5,000.

In the first primary, Judge Robertson ran first. In a close contest, with much counting long-drawn-out, In the Mrs. Ferguson ran second. final primary, she and Judge Robertson will contest, practically, for the Governorship. "Ma" Ferguson, as she is known, is chiefly sitting at home while her husband does most of the campaigning. The inference is that, if she is elected, he will also do most of the governing.

Some local genius has invented the slogan, "Me for Ma", which has gained considerable vogue. If the vote, which in the first primary was split among the eight so-called antiKlan candidates, centres upon "Ma" Ferguson in the second primary, it will be hard to stop her election.

Meanwhile, the Klan, being unwilling to attack a woman, is driving chiefly against her husband. The Klan papers call him "buzzard", "yaller dog", "old skunk", "he-viper".


Secretary of State Hughes on his return from Europe-his 32nd voyage abroad-met reporters with few remarks, except that he received most "hospitable treatment everywhere." This was no shock to reporters, but the Secretary's whiskers were. A Parisian barber had tinkered with them.

JAMES E. FERGUSON "Old skunk", "he-viper"

War Spoils

In the last Congress, a number of eager Congressmen tried to secure for their constituencies a number of captured German cannon and other war spoils to stand about in public places as tokens of the bravery of our sons in arms-and of the enterprise of our sons in Congress. The matter was compromised by passing a general bill for 'dividing the War spoils of all kinds among all the States. These trophies are now cluttering up storage space and the War Department must get rid of them.

So it has notified the Governors of the several States just what trophies they are offered; it is a case of "Take all we offer you or nothing." The list of articles being offered is tremendous and varied.

Besides cannon, the list includes: thousands of "Gott mit uns" belt buckles, of steel helmets; hundreds of sabers, of rifles, of cartridge cases, of canteens; and also horse collars, paper aprons, body armor, hand grenades, lances, machine guns, artillery maps, gas masks, trench pick-axes, badges, feed and saddle bags, ball bearings, curb bits, paper cloth, tug chains, tea-, coffee, and food-tins, trench cups, paper wagon-curtains, wire cutters, sack fillers, forks and spoons, burlap halters, holsters, mess kits, fur-covered knapsacks, canvas knapsacks, saber knots, trench lanterns, flame-thrower nozzles, ornaments, sweat pads, tent pins, tent poles, a paper rein, ropes, saddles, saws, shovels, spurs, straps, stirrups, sur

cingles, paper tape, torches, traces, a paper whip, wagons, carts, other vehicles, empty shells.

Surprise Party

Last week, the Treasury Department put a surprise in its employes' pay envelopes. It put a silver dollar in each-not as an addition to their pay, but as part of it. What the employes said is not known.

In the West, these cartwheels are still in considerable circulation, but the East has manifested a decided preference for the paper silver certificates. It happens, however, that it costs the Government about 3% a year for the upkeep of paper bills-replacement, washing, etc. The actual silver coin is much cheaper to keep in circulation. Some 30 million silver cartwheels are in the Treasury and may be put in circulation. The Government decided to be economical and pass them out instead of paper money.


Booze Palace

According to a report, displayed as the most noteworthy news of the day by The New York Herald-Tribune, the oft-heralded floating bar has at last appeared on the Atlantic Coast. The report declares that it is a ship of 17,000 tons, nameless, flying the English flag, carrying the silver and linens of the former German liner Friedrich der Grosse. The location of the ship was 15 miles off Fire Island, a long narrow strip of land protecting the southern shore of Long Island.

Launches plying to the vessel charge about $70 per person for the round trip. The fee to go on board is $5. A Negro jazz orchestra, a ballroom, a dining room, a bar for both sexes, movies after midnight, staterooms for spending the night and a miniature reproduction of the Statue of Liberty are provided. With the exception of the ballroom and the Statue of Liberty, the use of everything costs extra. The prices for drinks include:

Scotch highball, $1
Dry gin rickey, $1.50
Silver fizz, $1.50
Holland gin drinks, $2
Sloe gin buck, $2
Champagne, $15 a qt.
Sparkling Burgundy, $20 a qt.
Rye highball, $2
Mint julep, $2

An evening on board costs about $150 or $200, according to one's taste and capacity. The reporter who wrote the account declared that there were about 50 "guests", with double that number over week-ends. But he got the impression that the ship was losing money.

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"New Era"

End. The International Conference in London, called by Premiers MacDonald and Herriot in June (TIME, June 30) and started in July (TIME, July 28), was at last satisfactorily concluded.

Hand Salutes. The ending of the all-important parley, held in order to fix the terms upon which the Experts' Plan is to be operated, was no milk and water affair. Statesmen puffed out their chests, sighed with relief; then a highly dramatic incident recharged the air with electrical emotion. The delegates had signed the final protocol of the agreement and were somewhat sheepishly regarding one another with a "that's that" expression on their faces, when Premier MacDonald started the electricity by shaking hands all round. The paw of Chancellor Marx he held long and earnestly, led its owner to Premier Herriot of France, seized the right hand of the latter and affectionately pressed it into that owned by Wilhelm Marx. German and Frenchmen's hands tightened in a cordial hand salute while Premier Ramsay smiled benignly on.



Words. In every Capital of the World, the new international agreeacclaimed with gusto. Statesmen, politicians, officials, simple dignitaries, multifarious in political completion, and too numerous to mention, hailed the accord as "the opening of a new post-War Era." Excerpts from a few speeches and interviews:

A "White House spokesman": "The President believes that this is the most important result which has been accomplished since the armistice. . . . It looks as if the end of the War had come at last and as if the beginning of an honorable and, we hope, lasting peace is at hand."

Ambassador Kellogg: "I may be too much of an optimist, but I believe this settlement is the dawning of a new day of hope for millions of people and the revival of industry and prosperity so necessary to the happiness and progress of mankind. . . ."

Premier MacDonald: "It is the first negotiated treaty since the War. It is the first peace treaty, because we sign it feeling that we have turned our backs on the horrors of war and on the mentality of war. . . . We have a long way to go before we reach the

goal of peace and security, but we are on the right road."

Premier 'Herriot: "We now see the dawn and we hope to work till daylight is reached."

Chancellor Marx: "We hope that in the future the spirit of peace and reconciliation which has inspired this Conference will remain unimpaired." Away. The Conference ended at 9 o'clock in the evening. Within a few hours, practically all the delegates had quitted the capital of the Commonwealth. Premier MacDonald left at midnight for his native Lossiemouth in Scotland. The French caught the night packet for France. The Italians were gone by the first train in the morning. The Germans were found at Harwich in the early hours of the morning boarding a boat bound for The Fatherland. London became deserted overnight.


Results. The protocol, which set the seal of international approval the decisions of the Conference, was accompanied by four annexes, designed to make the Experts' Flan effective. The content of the annexes was practically the same as the substance of the agreement reached by the Allied and Associated Powers before the arrival of the Germans (TIME, Aug. 11). The major distinction was that the Germans had approved the proposals and made the agreement international and effective by signing with the Allies.

Ruhr. Germany, with the unexpressed but self-evident sympathy of the U. S., Italy and Britain, was anxious to have the French and Belgians evacuate the Ruhr as soon as the Experts' Plan had been put into effect.

Originally, France and Belgium had demanded a period of two years in which to effect the desired evacuation; both had insisted that a nucleus of French and Belgian railway workers should be left in the occupied territory in case it should become necessary to resume economic control. In the face of fiery German opposition, it was subsequently agreed to evacuate the Ruhr within a maximum period of one year and to drop the demand relative to the railway men. Providing, therefore, that the Germans loyally coöperate in the working of the Experts' Plan, the Ruhr must be evacuated by the Franco-Belgian troops before Aug. 16, 1925.

Evacuation. The last exchange of letters between French, Belgians and Germans was of considerable import


In order to allow the Germans to meet their Opposition with concrete advantages obtained from the Conference, MM. Herriot, Theunis and Hymans wrote to Chancelor Marx: "At the moment approaching the close of the London Conference, which marks an important effort to establish a régime of international concord, the French and Belgian governments, desirous of giving immediate and spontaneous proof of their will to peace and their confidence in the engagements freely entered into, decide that they will order, on the day following the definite signature of the London agreement, the military evacuation of the zone of Dortmund and the territories outside that of the Ruhr occupied since Nov. 15, 1923. . . .”

Chancellor Marx made formal acknowledgment.

On the morrow of the day following the signing of the protocol France ordered the evacuation of the towns of Offenburg and Appenweier in Baden.

Commercial. Another of the impediments to the smooth running of the conference was concerned with commercial treaties. In return for concessions granted to Germany in respect of the Ruhr, France desired to obtain solid commercial advantages for herself, particularly with reference to an extension of the Alsace Agreement, incorporated in the Versailles Treaty, by which Alsatian produce is admitted duty free into Germany. In light of a coming era of renewed commercial activity Britain and Italy were also anxious to conclude new commercial treaties. The whole matter became so complex that it was decided to hold a special conference in Paris during October to deal with the problems and draw up the treaties.

Future. As Ramsay MacDonald pointed out (see above) success has not yet been achieved. What has happened is rather that the tangled skein of international wool (misunderstandings,

etc.) has been unravelled. The Protocol and annexes have yet to be ratified by the respective Governments, failure to do which might well leave the world where it was before. Germany has to pass the laws necessary to the operation of the Experts' Plan, and to do so must pacify the Monarchists in order to secure a two-thirds majority. Looming in the future are dangerous rocks around which the Governments of the world must steer. Besides the Commercial Conference a conference on international war debts and another on security, demanded by the French, have yet to be held.

Foreign News-[Continued]


(British Commonwealth of Nations)

Sudan Shocks

In Egypt. Declaring that Khedive Abbas Hilmy Pasha, dethroned ruler of Egypt, was seeking to foment trouble in the country, the Egyptian Government massed troops at various Egyptian ports. Widespread uneasiness ensued.

In the Sudan. About the same time, cadets at Khartum declined to give up their rifles on returning to barracks. British troops were forced to surround and arrest them.

At Atbara, an Egyptian railway battalion mutinied, attacked British troops with bricks and other implements. The British fired upon their assailants, causing 19 casualties. The mutiny was allegedly accompanied by pro-Egyptian demonstrations.

At Port Sudan a minor disturbance took place.

At London. With grave faces, there arrived at the British Foreign Offices Field Marshal Viscount Allenby,* High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan; Major General Sir L. O. F. Stack, Governor General and Sirdar (Commander-in-Chief of the Anglo-Egyptian troops) of the Sudan. For several hours they conversed with Premier MacDonald.

After the conference, it was reported. that the British Government, in view of Egypt's pretensions to the Sudan (TIME, Apr. 28, 1923) had taken a

*Field Marshal Lord Allenby stands out as one of the most successful British Commanders .of the War. He is 63 years of age, a man of large proportions, "every inch a soldier."

Forty-two years ago he joined the Inniskilling Dragoons, saw much service in Africa. At the beginning of the War, as a Major General, he commanded the British Third Army. As a General he was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force and conducted the Holy Land Campaign. At the conclusion of hostilities he was made a Field Marshal, created a peer and awarded £50,000 by the British Parliament.

Apropos of the Holy Land Campaign, a story is told about the surrender of Jerusalem. The city first surrendered to a British private who did not understand what it was all about. He reported the event to an officer with the result that a Brigadier motored to Jerusalem and accepted the keys of the city. During his absence, the Divisional Commander was advised of what was going on. "Stop the Brigadier," roared the General, "I will accept the surrender of Jerusalem." So the keys had to be sent back and the Divisional Commander went to Jerusalem and received them. When he came back he informed the Army Commander that Jerusalem had surrendered to him and he had the keys of the city. "Take 'em back," raved the irate A. C., "I myself will take the surrender." went the keys and Jerusalem surrendered again. Then the Army Commander telephoned the then Sir Edmund Allenby, Commanderin-Chief, told him all. "Take 'em back," came a stern voice over the wire, "I am the proper person to take the surrender." Thus, a few days later, Jerusalem surrendered for the fifth and last time to the Commander-in-Chief, and the only British Flag that was to be seen was that which flew from the radiator of the General's automobile, so considerate of his enemy's feelings was Allenby.


serious view of the disturbances, demanded that seditious elements from the Egyptian Army in the Sudan be eliminated to preserve the peace. Warships and troops were sent to the Sudan. Lord Allenby and Sir L. O. F.


He was the proper person

Stack, who were in England on leave, were reported to have returned, the former to Egypt, the latter to the Sudan.

A little more than a century ago Egypt conquered the Sudan, which the Arabs call Belad-es-Sudan, "country of the blacks." Under purely Egyptian rule, the Sudan became a den of iniquity in which inefficiency, slavery and corruption ran rampant. The population dwindled and the country, instead of providing a source of income for the Egyptian Government, became a tremendous financial burden.

In 1881 occurred the rise of the Madhi, "Guide of Islam," whose policy was to evict the Egyptians. Then followed the defeat of the Egyptians, the murder of General Gordon, the campaign under Field Marshal Lord Wolsley and later that by an AngloEgyptian force under General Sir H. Kitchener (later Field Marshal Lord Kitchener).

Following the latter campaign, which ended in 1898, an Anglo-Egyptian condominium to rule the Sudan was established. Britain declared at the time, and has never deviated from her contention, that the Sudan, "having been reconquered by joint military and financial efforts of Great Britain and Egypt, claims by right of conquest to share in

the legislation and administration of the country." That is why the Sudan is known today as the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan.

Their Lordships

Although women may vote in Britain and may sit, if elected, in the House of Commons, the House of Lords still remains the Sanctum Sanctorum of lordly males.

For many a long month, the ladies of the land, led by the estimable Lady Rhondda, have sought to soften their lordships' hearts, but in vain.

During the past week, Viscount Astor, husband of the famed first woman M. P., championed the ladies' cause. When a bill to permit peeresses in their own right to take their seats in the House of Lords was introduced, Astor exhorted their lordships thus:

"Fewer than two dozen peeresses will be affected by the bill. The House of Lords ought to reflect more accurately the opinion of the 8,000,000 women voters in the country. On a large number of questions there is a woman's point of view; many men differ from it, but that there is such a point of view is unarguable. Besides, in the House of Commons women have proved an enormous success, and one woman, Miss Margaret Bondfield, occupies a seat on the Treasury bench."

Lord Banbury, embittered anti-feminist, exclaimed as he moved rejection of the bill:

"I have never met anyone, except members of the Labor Party, who does not regret that we have women in the House of Commons."

"Hear, hear," interposed Lord Birkenhead, whilom "Galloper Smith."

Continued the irrepressible Banbury, whose nickname is "the Banbury bun":

"One of the ablest members of the House of Commons said only this year of the including of women in Parliament: 'What we have lost in dignity we may have gained in efficiency.' For ages, this House has been regarded as the ideal of all Parliaments. Are the noble Lords to sacrifice the dignity of this House on the chance of gaining a little efficiency?"

Then up spake the erstwhile Judge of the King's Bench Division of the High Court of Justice, Lord Darling, a learned man famed for his ironic wit. Said he:

"The age of chivalry is passed, when women watched the ancestors of the noble Lords tilt in the lists. In this age we watch cow-girls at a tournament. So why should not women sit in this House? Would their presence


Foreign News-[Continued]

detract from its dignity? If I were to say what I think


Then smiling at their lordships under his 74-year-old eyebrows, he added: "But I won't," and sat down.

At It Again

Eamonn de Valera, New-York-State born Irishman, recently released from prison (TIME, July 28), harangued a crowd at Ennis, where, about one year ago, he was arrested by Free State troops (TIME, Aug. 27, 1923).

Mr. de Valera's speech was much the same as many another he has uttered. He advocated an Irish Republic, independence and unity of the Irish people. There was this difference, however: he failed to incite the crowd to violence; he committed himself to a peaceful policy of establishing the republic by the power of the vote; he expressed himself as forever faithful to the "Sinn Fein Constitution." Said he:

"I shall be as faithful to that Constitution, in letter and in spirit, in the future as I have been in the past."

In common with his supporters, both in Ireland and abroad, his antagonism to Britain has become an hysteria, properly lacking rhyme and reason, dependent for its thesis on distorted facts, grotesque imagining.

There is, however, this much to be said in defense of de Valera's agitation for a republic. Britain herself, by a long series of unimaginable blunders and appalling procrastination, forced the Irish people to look to republicanism as the savior of their ancient liberty so long denied to them. But Britain, with unquestioned sincerity, despite unfortunate complications, has given proof of her desire to atone, as much as is in her power, for the past, by granting unfettered autonomy to the Free State as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and by showing determination in conforming to her treaty obligations.

But Mr. de Valera and his followers, a noisy minority, cannot see the wood for the trees, and they continue to advocate an Irish Republic-possibly because such advocacy has become a habit. For the same reason he possibly continues to hate England. Thus, always playing on the same string, he stirs wild enthusiasm in the bosoms of those who think as he does. His speech:

"So long as England lays claim to any right of exercising any authority whatsoever in or over Ireland, or any part of it, so long will there be need for the organization of republicans to oppose it. The need for this organization of opposition, the need for asserting our right to and demand for recognition of our full sovereignty and

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independence is particularly urgent at the present time.

"By national efforts, from 1917 to 1921, the peoples of the world have been educated to understand the scope of our national demand. The moment England by threats had secured Irish signatures to her so-called treaty, the organs of English propaganda throughout the world were concentrated on making it appear that our national demand was conceded and Irish national aspirations were fully satisfied.

"To illustrate the effectiveness of this propaganda, I need only to point to the speech of John W. Davis, Democratic candidate for the Presidency of the United States, when he recently spoke of Ireland as 'having shaken off her long subjection.'

"That friends of Ireland throughout the world, and particularly in America, may not be deceived and may not be tempted to relax their efforts in Ireland's behalf until real freedom is achieved, let us send forth this plain message:

"The so-called treaty that has been imposed upon them by threats of force and purports to deny their sovereignty and to partition their country, is not accepted by the Irish people, and is not regarded and never will be regarded by them as binding either on their honor or conscience." "



If France has a bull-fighting enthusiast as President, she must surely have a bull-fighting arena in the

Capital. At any rate, "a large corporation" of Paris was reported to have thought so, for it was announced that work on an arena was to be started in September and finished in time for the great Paris Exhibition, which is to be opened next Spring.


Mlle. Lallemant is a crystal gazer who, since she successfully predicted the future of Gaston Doumergue, President of France, has enjoyed boundless popularity. Her landlord objected to her fame when it began to wear out the carpet on the stairway of his house. He asked her to go. She refused. He sued her because of so many "comings and goings." She defended herself. The judge ruled that she could not be evicted since her stream of visits was made "by most honorable personalities in the most faultless manner."

Monsieur le chirugien Georges Gelly, who performed many a successful operation on the faces of wounded poilus, had his right eye blown out by an accidental explosion in his experimental laboratory. Dr. Gelly, a leading dental surgeon in Paris, well-beloved by ex-service men, had his home flooded by anxious enquiries.

A baby-trafficking combine was discovered by astute French police. Mrs. Dinorah Galou, alias Comtesse de Presles, said to have been born in California, acted as a receiver of unwelcome children of unmarried mothers and erring wives, and disposed of them in some unknown way; supposedly, she sold them. Mme. Galou's activities were said to have extended over all Europe, the U. S. and South America. The police were unable to discover the whereabouts of her "adopted" children. ITALY

New Party

Since Benito has been trying, so far without much success, to effect a rapprochement between the Vatican and the State, the Partita Popolare, or Catholic Party, has had a hard road to hoe. (See page 18.)

Under the leadership of the ardent English and the French are different, and in a way complementary to each other. We are both free peoples and strong peoples, and ought to be united, but we have reached liberty by different routes; the French by principles and proclamations, the English by the gradual extension of the rights of the individual-which is, after a fashion, the way their people

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