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Vol. IV. No. 9

The Weekly News-Magazine


THE PRESIDENCY The Plymouth Week

(Mr. Coolidge stayed up late one night at his father's home in order to hear by radio General Dawes' speech, accepting the Republican nomination for Vice President (see Page 2).

From Plymouth to Evanston a telegram winged its way:



Thomas A. Edison, Henry Ford, Harvey Firestone and the latter's son, Russell, motored into Plymouth and stopped at the Coolidge farmhouse. The President took them through the local cheese factory, of which his father is part owner, and gave Mr. Ford a sap bucket, of pine with ash hoops, capacity 16 quarts, which had been made for and used by John Coolidge, a greatgreat-grandfather of the President, who died in 1822. Everybody's picture was taken; and the President's words were gobbled up by reporters.

September 1, 1924


of the Government, a flying field and grounds of 4,500 acres, presented by the citizens of Dayton. Said he by letter: "The people of Dayton, in presenting this historic tract of 4,500 acres to the National Government, have insured that it will always be maintained for the service that has won it fame.

. . I am writing to you because I want in this formal manner to record the Government's appreciation of this fine act and to set down the assurance of my personal congratulations to the people of Dayton."

The President entered his motor car with C. Bascom Slemp and drove about a mile to the home of his cousin, Edward Blanchard. There he put on a pair of overalls, removed his collar and tie, loaded a hay wagon. Pictures


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The Theatre


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The President at one time, his son John at another, pitched horseshoes on the local court.

Although tourists haunted the environs of the Coolidge house at all hours of the day, the neighbors generally kept at a modest distance. So the President and Mrs. Coolidge sent out word that everybody should drop around at three o'clock on Saturday afternoon. Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge walked out and stood under the shade of maple trees, while a long line of neighbors formed, had their hands shaken and received a few words each, depending on the degree of their acquaintanceship.

The President accepted, on behalf

View with Alarm............

17 17-19 .19, 22, 26 .20-21 22 24-26 27-30




Published weekly by TIME, Incorporated, at 236 East 39th Street, New York, N. Y. Subscription, $5 per year. Entered as secondclass matter February 28, 1923, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879.

were then taken; and the President retired.

At a press conference in the executive offices above the village store, the President told correspondents that he was not prepared to press the question of another Disarmament Conference until European nations began to get on their feet following a Reparations settlement.


To make his second major speech of the campaign, John W. Davis traveled from his Manhattan headquarters down to Seagirt, N. J., as a guest of Governor Silzer of that State. He spoke first of Wilson, then of the Oil and Veterans' Bureau scandals, of the Fordney-McCumber tariff, of Foreign Affairs, of the Ku Klux Klan.


A Previous Visit. "This is my secnd appearance at Seagirt. You will not be surprised if I find my memory turning at this time to the circumstances of my earlier visit. It happened on a hot July day, twelve years ago. I was one of a party of 200 or more who tramped in the dust from the station to the Governor's house at Seagirt. At our head marched that grand old Roman, Champ Clark, then the Speaker of the House of Representatives. were calling on a Governor of New Jersey who had just received the Democratic nomination for the Presidency. Most of that company, including myself, had never made his personal acquaintance. It was our errand to assure him of our hearty support and to place ourselves at his service. The impressions of the day were summed up for me by one of my colleagues as we tramped back to the waiting train. Said he: 'When that man comes to Washington there will be a leader in the White House.'"

Corruption. "In 1913, the lobby was scourged from Washington; in 1921, like a flock of unclean birds hastening to the feast, it gathered from the four winds and descended upon the city. The Little Green House in K Street was set up for sinister purposes

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but partly disclosed. Its occupants and their friends soon proved that they lacked neither zeal nor appetite.

"First of all came oil. At the head of the buccaneers as they marched along rode the Secretary of the Interior. And after oil, the veterans. Here was a rare field for enterprise. A year and a half after Congress had appropriated $33,000,000 for building purposes, only 200 hospital beds had been added to the Bureau's equipment, and those in a hospital purchased readymade. If it be true that public interest in these things has waned, is it not a public duty to see that it is revived before the day of judgment comes?

"If the fact is that the public resources have been squandered, is it any answer to say that a budget system has been installed? If unfit and corrupt men have been put and kept in office and left to their devices, is it a sufficient defense that the Administration was not actually desirous of dishonesty? If the wounded veteran has been defrauded of the care that was his due, is there any comfort to him in the fact that Congress made lavish appropriations?"

Tariff. "The tariff afforded an opening to hosts of privilege for an assault less direct but far more devastating to the public pocketbook. We are told that America in 1921 was threatened from abroad by an 'impending avalanche of suddenly cheapened merchandise' from which it was narrowly saved by the beneficent action of the Fordney-McCumber tariff.

"Let me give you two or three illustrations of what a high protectionist means when he talks of a commercial avalanche: Under a Democratic tariff sewing machines, necessary in every home, were on the free list and we were importing scarcely 1% of the value of our domestic production. This was an avalanche, however, not to be tamely borne and a duty of 331/3% was imposed to check it.

"In rubber footwear, our imports were too small to be worth reporting, but the duty nevertheless was raised 150%. In manufactures of wool, our imports were less than 6% of the domestic production, so the rates of duty were increased by 80%."

Foreign Affairs. "There was a day when America sat in the council of the Nations, occupying at their table the seat of honor and of dignity that was her right. There was a day when she made covenants and engagements in her own name and was not content to be merely the beneficiary of the effort and good-will of others. Today, apparently, she has no other program

than to 'encourage American citizens and resources to assist in restoring Europe with the sympathetic support'--but nothing more-'of our Government.' It is a far cry to this from the declaration of Theodore Roosevelt that 'If we are to be a really great people we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world.'"

Ku Klux Klan. "If any organization, no matter what it chooses to be called, whether Ku Klux Klan or by any other name, raises the standard of racial and religious prejudice or attempts to make racial origins or religious beliefs the test of fitness for public office, it does violence to the spirit of American institutions and must be condemned by all those who believe as I do in American ideals.

"I repeat that these matters must not be permitted to divert the attention of the public from the vital questions now before them. I venture, therefore, to express the hope that the nominee of the Republican Party will see fit by some explicit declaration to join in entirely removing this topic from the field of political debate."

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"Our party-the Republican Party,, the party of progressive conservatism— under the leadership of President Coolidge, has taken its stand firmly upon the Constitution of the United States, and all know where it stands. Opposed to it, and in reality its chief opponent, though the result of the effort may be to deadlock the contest for the Presidency and make Bryanism succeed the Coolidge policy, is a movement of untried and dangerous radicalism.

"With a platform drawn by one man, designed to soften as much as possible the apprehensions as to what the movement really means, an attempt is made to induce those who are patriotic at heart but disconcerted with existing conditions to join with the Socialists and other diverse elements opposing the existing order of things, in a mobilization of extreme radicalism. A man is known by the company he keeps. . .

"Lying between these two armies of progressive conservatism and of radicalism, which are properly aligned upon this issue in the minds and consciences of the American people, is interposed the Democratic Party, with one conservative and one radical candidate on its ticket, hoping to get votes by avoiding the issue.

"In Congress during the last few years the American citizen has heard more demagogic utterances than have ever before characterized it. He has seen men running for Congress and the Senate, advocating in the same State at the same time and irrespective of their inconsistency, increased wages for railroad labor and decreased railroad rates, and higher prices for beef on the hoof and lower prices for beef on the table.

"It is not too much to say that from the average candidate for office in either party, he must accept either evasion or a doctrine designed to please him and appeal to his prejudices, irrespective of whether or not it tends to plunge the whole country into disaster.

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. . Through the War of the Revolution, through the Civil War and through the World War, our people have struggled to establish and maintain our Constitutional principles.

"They are asked to follow into an attack upon them, massed behind an aggressive personality, a heterogeneous collection of those opposing the existing order of things, the greatest section of which, the Socialists, flies the red flag; and into what? Into con

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fusion and conflict of ideas and ideals and into the reopening of war upon those fundamental principles of human liberty and the inalienable rights of men which are giving in this country safety and opportunity to the humblest, and to establish which the blood of our forefathers was shed. This is the predominant issue in this campaign.

"The League of Nations, however noble may have been its intentions, was not approved by the people of the United States, because it did not make clear to their minds that it did not encroach upon the sovereignty and the power and right of independent decision of the United States as to its own duty and action under all circumstances. . . .

"The Republican platform is right in assuming that the United States, in its own interests and the interests of the world, if it is to play its part and perform its duty in international matters, must do so outside of membership in the League of Nations. . .

"Under President Harding and President Coolidge, in pursuance of this constructive foreign policy, there has been urged upon the Nation membership in the World Court."

In Maine

Closely following his notification in Evanston, and only the day after John W. Davis' second speech (see above), Charles G. Dawes went to Maine in preparation for the September election there. Until a week or two ago, there was great uncertainty as to which of two candidates was going to be the Republican

nominee for Governor. There was a prolonged recount contest between Ralph O. Brewster, who went into the primaries with Klan support, and his opponent, who was anti-Klan. Finally, only a few days ago, the nomination was given to Brewster.

The day General Dawes appeared there, Mr. W. R. Pattangall, the Democratic nominee, aiming to take advantage of the Klan split in the Republican ranks, published in the newspapers two questions addressed to General Dawes:

"Do you agree to the proposition set up by the Republican managers of Maine that a vote for a Klan-controlled candidate is a vote for Coolidge and Dawes?"

"Do you believe that the Ku Klux Klan fills any useful place in the life of the United States?"

In opening his speech at Augusta, General Dawes launched directly into the Klan question:

"The questions of Mr. Pattangall,

which appear in the press this morning, are the familiar trick questions of the ordinary politician. They are not the cause of the statement I am about to make.

"Let me say at once that I recognize that the Ku Klux Klan in many localities and among many people represents

Wide World


"An invitation was written"

only an instinctive groping for leadership, moving in the interest of law enforcement, which they do not find in many cowardly politicians and officeholders. But it is not the right way to forward law enforcement. . . .

"Appeals to racial, religious or class prejudice by minority organizations are opposed to the welfare of all peaceful and civilized communities."

He continued, touching on Mr. Davis' speech:

"Every honest man is as indignant as Mr. Davis is at a betrayal by anyone of the high trust of public office, but they also expect that in discussing a matter of such importance our political orators seek to present facts in their proper and correct relation to the welfare of the people. Common sense and fairness alike revolt at the suggestion that these individual derelictions, which the Administration has set out to punish, should outweigh, in the judgment of American citizens, the honesty and the accomplishments of the most successful business administration of Government our people have ever had. . . .

"American labor knows that its inter

ests are subserved by the position of the Republican party on the tariff. It knows that its welfare depends upon the protective tariff policy sponsored by the Republican Party; and that the reversal of that policy, demanded by the Democratic Party, means lower wages and a lower standard of living. It knows that the success of LaFollette means chaos, out of which can only come lower wages and lower standards of living for all our people. . . .

"The benefits of trade unions, honestly administered, are recognized not only by me, but by good citizens generally, whether in or out of trade unionism. It has elevated, protected and dignified labor, and in so doing it has been an element in the progress of our Nation. . . ."


Progressives' Itinerary

More than 500 invitations were issued to the popular Senator LaFollette to speak on Labor Day. He finally decided, according to his report from Washington to accept them all, by delivering an address from the Capital via radio.

In general, Senator La Follette's speaking engagements have not been completely booked. He is expected to speak in St. Louis, in Kansas City, in Chicago, in Cleveland, perhaps in Detroit and in Manhattan. But those matters will be decided later. Meanwhile, Senator Wheeler is concentrating his energies on New England. He expects to speak early in September at Boston, Worcester, Portland, Manchester, Providence, in Connecticut and in northern New York. Evidently the Progressive strategy is to strike at their outlying regions first before centring on the Northwest.


America and Americans are not noted for their success in turning graceful compliments. In 1920, the French Government officially invited James K. Hackett, U. S. actor, to appear in Macbeth and Othello at the Theatre Odéon in Paris under the auspices of the Ministry of Fine Arts. It was a gracious compliment.

The United States has not reached the stage of civilization in which its Government may possess a Ministry of Fine Arts. Nevertheless, there are Americans possessed of both the will and the means to aid the fine arts. A committee of patrons was formed; an invitation was written to Firmin

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Gémier, actor, manager of the Odéon, to bring his company to the U. S. This invitation is to be conveyed by the State Department through the usual diplomatic channels, in order to return as far as possible the gracious compliment of France to the American stage.

Incidentally, the committee of patrons which makes possible this courtesy carries a roster of names, great in almost every field of endeavorArt, Finance, Law, Education, Politics. Otto H. Kahn is Honorary President. James K. Hackett is Honorary Executive Secretary. Others include W. Vincent Astor, George F. Baker Jr., James M. Beck, David Belasco, Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, Paul D. Cravath, John W.. Davis, Robert W. De Forest, John Emerson (President of the Actors' Equity Association), Charles Dana Gibson, Robert Underwood Johnson, Thomas W. Lamont, Clarence H. Mackay, Frederick William MacMonnies, Frank L. Polk, E. T. Stotesbury, Augustus Thomas, Harry Payne Whitney, George W. Wickersham, Owen D. Young.

In Paris

Andrew W. Mellon sojourned in Paris. "He is sounding out the French on the debt and reparations questions," said one half of the press. "He has not seen a Government official; he sits every day for Sir William Orpen, who is painting his portrait," said the other half of the press. Mr. Mellon, from his remarks, appeared to be considering the financial aspects of the maxim: Reden ist Silber; Schweigen ist Gold.


Vacant Seat

The death of Senator Colt of Rhode Island (TIME, Aug. 25) leaves a situation which may bear the seeds of national consequence. Senator Colt's term was to expire next March. Whoever is elected to fill out his term will have only about three months' active service in Congress. Ordinarily there would not be a great fight for such a seat. Now it is different.

The composition of the Senate is

*Firmin Gemier was born in Paris in 1865. The records reveal that fact quite plainly, but they do not give the whole truth, which is that Gemier was born an actor.

Most of M. Gemier's successes have been scored in the Théâtre de l'Odéon, France's second national theatre, although, from an artistic viewpoint, it might well deserve to be ranked first. In 1921 M. Gemier arrived

at the summit of his ambition when he was appointed Manager of the Odéon, the theatre where he has created some 30 rôles, many of which were in the plays of Moliere and Shakespeare.

GENERAL HINES He will step up

50 Republicans, 43 Democrats, two Farmer-Laborites, one vacancy. Assuming, however, that the election of President and Vice President should be thrown into Congress, it is to be expected that the two Farmer-Labor ites with at least three Republicans, LaFollette, Ladd and Frazier, would vote for Gov. Bryan rather than for Gen. Dawes. This would make the line-up: Bryan 48, Dawes 47. Hence the vacant seat, then occupied by either a Republican or a Democrat, might make a great difference in the result.

So both parties will make as great a contest for the short term in the Rhode Island seat as they will for the long term which follows.



Preparations have been made for radiocasting from the War Department at Washington, at 10:30 P. M. on Sept. 12, General Pershing's speech of farewell, marking the closing minutes of his service in the Army and the celebration of Defense Day. The number of possible hearers will greatly contrast with the handful of officers and men who heard Washington's farewell at Rocky Point, N. J., almost a century and a half ago.

Incidentally, General Pershing's rank

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and full pay will go from him. He now receives $13,500 in pay and $8,000 After in allowances-$21,500 in all. his, retirement he will receive $10,125 in pay and no allowances. This is due to the failure of Congress to give him the rank and pay of a General for life. In Washington, there is some dissatisfaction with this failure of Congress, because General Pershing is well equipped physically to continue in active service; and because, by contrast, George Dewey was made an Admiral of the Navy with full pay for life.


When General Pershing steps down from his post as Chief of Staff, Major General John Leonard Hines will step up. But it will be a short step. General Hines is already Deputy Chief of Staff, and acts as the military head of the Army during General Pershing's absences from Washington. His temporary job merely becomes permanent.

Incidentally, the change will bring to the highest post in the Army a War-made officer, whose rise in rank was extremely rapid. In 1917, General Hines was a major in the regular Army. He had been graduated almost 26 years earlier from West Point. His most prominent post had been as Adjutant General of the "Punitive Expedition" to Mexico in 1916.

When he entered the War he went abroad on General Pershing's staff. In the Fall of 1917, he was made a temporary Colonel and given command of the 16th Infantry. Six months later he was made a Brigadier. Three months later he was given command of a division. Two months more found him a Corps Commander and a Major General.

Since General James G. Harboard's retirement in December, 1922, General Hines has been Deputy Chief of Staff. He is now 56 years old, and has eight years to serve before he must be automatically retired on account of age. Secretary of War Weeks and President Coolidge agreed on him as the logical successor to General Pershing.



"Open Jails"

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The seriousness of the situation which has arisen because of the increased smuggling of aliens into the U. S. has aroused the Government to take harsher repressive measures. It is estimated by some that the number of smuggled immigrants is almost, if not quite, equal to the number of immigrants who enter by legal channels.

Recently, 31 Italians (male) were captured on Long Island, were charged with entering the country illegally. They were taken to Ellis Island on a deportation order, but the Government changed its mind: Handcuffed together, they were taken to a jail in Brooklyn and held in $10,000 bail each. The usual bail is $500. They and the two men charged with smuggling them in are to be prosecuted under the Immigration Act and the Passport Act. These provide, in case of conviction, for the extreme penalty of 20 years in jail, $18,000 fine and deportation when the sentence is completed. The Italians vary in age from 17 to 57 years.

It is believed that only by such measures can foreigners be convinced that it does not pay to try to enter this country by the smugglers' route. H. H. Curran, Immigration Commissioner at Ellis Island, issued a new watchword: "Open arms for honorable applicants for admission to this country; open jails for dishonorable, smuggled aliens."



There are two fields of public endeavor in which women have equalled or eclipsed men. One of these is the formation of clubs. The other is public reform. In the field of reform, it will be years before the name of Carrie Nation is forgotten. With a fame not so flamboyant as Carrie Nation's, but equally enduring, the name of Lucy Page Gaston will survive. Miss Gaston passed away last week.

At Delaware, Ohio, in 1860, Miss Gaston first came into the world. At an early age she evinced a desire for improving it. In 1899, she founded and became Superintendent of the Anti-Cigarette League of America. She joined heartily in the reform work

of the W. C. T. U. She prosecuted cigarette dealers whenever the law enabled her to. She agitated for anti


LUCY PAGE GASTON Her fame will endure

cigarette laws and ordinances. She edited reform papers.

In 1919, after a rumored disagreement within the Anti-Cigarette League of America, Miss Gaston resigned and announced that she was a candidate for President on a platform of "clean morals, clean food and fearless law enforcement." She retired from the campaign, however, before the election.

About the same time Miss Gaston undertook to write to Queen Mary, reproving her, if press reports had been corect, for enjoying a cigarette after luncheon. She declared that it would be "exceedingly unfortunate" if English standards were lowered by a Queen's example. Miss Gaston aided in the campaign which put a law against cigarette smoking on the statute books of Kansas. She also entered another organization, the National Anti-Cigarette League, but departed when the Board of Directors decided that her methods were too "drastic."

Some months ago she was injured in a street car accident; since then her health has failed. She died last

week in Chicago, and press dispatches ascribed her demise to a "malignant growth in her throat"-surely not a cancer derived from too much smoking.

Her funeral services were held at the First Presbyterian Church and were attended by a few friends. Among them were two little boys and two little girls who arose, pointed to the coffin, recited: "Miss Gaston, we thank you for what you have done for us," and followed this by repeating the "Clean Life Pledge" which Miss Gaston had taught.

Afterward Miss Gaston's body was taken to a cemetery and cremated, according to her wishes.


"Texas for Ma"

"It has been said by some people that I will be dominated and controlled by my husband, that he will be Governor and I a dummy. Others have said I will be boss and will administer the affairs of office according to my own ideas and will not accept any counsel or advice from my husband.

"I think it proper to make a frank statement of my position. Some of my friends have advised me to announce that I will not listen to Mr. Ferguson's advice or permit him to influence me in any of my official acts. I cannot make a statement of that nature, for it would not be true. There has always existed that degree of confidence and understanding between Governor Ferguson and me which should exist between every husband and wife. I have always been loyal to my husband and family, and if I thought for a minute that my election would mean that our home would be broken up by destruction of the mutual confidence and respect we have always entertained for each other I would not have the office."

The ex-Governor put in:

"She will be the Governor, and if I can help her, of course, like any other citizen who is interested in her welfare and wishes her success, I will do it. But Miriam will be the Governor. Fortunately for Texas, my wife measures up to the job entrusted to her by the Democrats of the State."

The state of Texas had held its second primary. The contestants were Judge Felix D. Robertson (with Klan support) and Miriam A. Ferguson, wife of a Governor who was impeached and removed from office in 1918. She and her husband, who is a hot campaigner, made the Klan the issue-and "Ma"

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