Papers and Politics

In a recent article, Frank R. Kent, the eminent, keen-minded Democrank correspondent of The Sun (Baltimore) recited the great advantage which the Republicans have over the Democrats in the present campaign.

He said that of the 10,000 small town and rural newspapers, outside of the Solid South (where there isn't any contest) 7,500 at a fair estimate are strongly Republican and only 2,500 Democratic. He said also that in the largest cities, such as Chicago and New York, the Democrats are either unrepresented in the press, or they are mild and fair partisans, whereas their Republican opposites are "much more militant."

What is the truth of Mr. Kent's assertions? First, the figures which he gives for the small newspapers are unverifiable, unless someone is willing to go through the 10,000 or so papers in question and make a critical estimate of their attitude. However, it may be assumed that his estimate is approximately correct. These small-town papers must in general be placed in a category separate from the metropolitan press. Their power is wielded rather through their news than through their editorials. These papers as a whole gobble up the "news" releases of their respective party's publicity bureaus. Because their bias is presented as "news," it has thrice the effectiveness politically of the same partisanship confined to the editorial page.

Among the papers of the large cities, this politically predigested propaganda is usually cast out. But among the less conscientious, the news from their own correspondents, and the headlines from their "headline" men are freely tinctured with partisanship. Examine the press of the cities which Mr. Kent chooses for his examples. In Chicago the omnipotent Tribune is violently Republican. The News is somewhat less so, the Post still less, The Journal of Commerce (probably the cleanest newspaper of the lot) has the natural Republican leaning of most business publications. Then there are the Hearst papers-the Herald and Examiner (morning) and American (evening). Mr. Kent classes them as anti-Davis. Indeed, the Hearst press has been giving Mr. Davis some "dirty digs," but it has proven itself about equally strong against Coolidge. As between Davis and Coolidge, Hearst may very nearly be cancelled out.

In Manhattan, Mr. Kent points out two Democratic papers-the Times and the World. He declares that in their headlines and news they are "scrupulously fair" and "rigidly non-partisan" and "on the other hand, certain hidebound Republican organs give to many

of their dispatches a heavy Coolidge flavor and lose no chance to place the Davis candidacy in a bad light."

This is hyperbole. These "hidebound Republican organs" refer chiefly to Frank Munsey's Sun, Ogden Reid's Herald-Tribune, and Cyrus Hermann Kotzschmar Curtis' Post. In the degree of news partisanship shown there is probably little difference between these three papers and the "rigidly nonpartisan" World. Incidentally, the most virulently partisan paper in the city, although it is new and therefore small, is the Bulletin, a rip-snorting Democrat.

If there is a paper that is "scrupulously fair" and "rigidly non-partisan" in its news and headlines, it can be none other than The New York Times. It occupies the place to which its fairness entitles it. If there is a national newspaper in the U. S., it is the Times.

Although fair in its news, the Times is yet editorially a partisan-not a narrow partisan, to be sure, but one that is forthright and firm in its faith. Editorially, the Times is as strong a proDavis paper as there is in the country. The record of its pro-Davis activities does not begin with the present cam'paign-it began long ago.

As long ago as May 23, 1920, it carried an editorial from which the following bits are extracted:

"The Times is very little given to the practice of urging candidates upon the Democratic Party or upon any other party. It is independent of all parties. It hopes that both parties will nominate men of the highest character and ability, men of steadfastness and courage, of broad understanding and of constructive minds. We feel, therefore, that it does not lie outside the newspaper province and privilege to urge upon the attention of the Democrats the name of a man whose distinguished ability and standing are attested by the high honors he has already received from the party, a man who is qualified not only to pass the tests and challenges of a trying campaign, but to discharge with credit to himself and with advantage to the country the duties of the Presidency. We mean John W. Davis, at present Ambassador of the United States at London."

Three days later the Times again cried out:

"A great body of testimony regarding the 'availability' of Mr. Davis might be cited. He is not merely available, he is not merely a man whom the Democrats may take, he is the man whom they should take, he is at the present moment conspicuously the strong man of the party as Grover Cleveland was the strong man of the Democracy in 1884 and 1892."

Again, during the 1920 Democra Convention (on July 5th) the Tim poiced its support.

After 1920 the Times still remain loyal to its idol, and when he retir from London explained:

"It was partly by his faculty such sententious utterance that A bassador Davis won so high a pla in the esteem of judicious Englis men. His successor at London m have occasion to know the woe the man that cometh after King."

On Jan. 27 of this year the Tim raised its voice again.

"In the opinion of a growing nur ber of Democrats and independen Mr. John W. Davis is eminently to be President and the Democrat party could find no stronger cand date. The steady increase of b hold upon public confidence come perhaps, as much from his charact as his high ability."

Again in early June of this yea "Concerning John W. Davis the is a remarkable consensus of opini in all parts of the country that would be an ideal candidate if on he could be nominated."

In the midst of the Democrat convention's deadlock at the end June, the Times again cried out in t wilderness:

an

"It is inevitable that in so gre emergency their [the delegates eyes should be looking for some o who towers above the stature most of the candidates, and that the should be coveting for their party th strength and hope which would com to it with the nomination, at thi juncture, of such a man as John W Davis."

Finally, in its hours of triumph when Mr. Davis had been nominated the Times called out:

"The nomination of Mr. John W Davis by the Democratic Convention puts a special obligation upon the growing numbers of Americans who swear by no party. They are accu tomed to criticize both parties fo not bringing forward leaders of a higher character. They often single out in advance the names of men" eminent merit, who, they say, ought to be nominated for the most impor tant offices, but who probably w not be, for the very reason that the stand too much above the ordina run of politicians to be acceptable to them. But this year the thing th was too good to be true has come i be true in the case of Mr. Davis. He was the one man among all the De ocratic possibilities whom the Ind pendents oftenest singled out as th 'ideal' candidate who ought to selected, but almost certainly woul not be."

So the Times and its owner, Adolph Ochs, get double credit-once for being fair in their news and a second time for having staunchly supported a man to a point at which they may support him in an even greater arena, the battlefield of a Presidential campaign.

Most of the credit goes to Mr. Ochs. He is a very modest man who keeps himself far in the background, vet he is the power which has made the Times go round. "I am no genus," he explains. "All one needs is common business sense, common edtorial sense, and a common sense of responsibility." But anyone who glances at a tabloid career of the man whose greatest achievement is the building of the Times can hardly avoid raising a skeptical eyebrow and asking "No genius?"

Adolph Ochs was born in Cincinnati in 1858, the son of a Bavarian Jew. He began his newspaper career as a newsboy. He advanced to printer's devil. He served on various Kentucky and Tennessee papers as a printer's apprentice, as an assistant foreman, as a subscription solicitor, as a reporter, as a job-printer, as an assistant business manager. He went to Chattanooga to help found the Daily Dispatch. It failed and was sold to the Chattanooga Times. That failed, and Ochs, with nothing at all, bought it. At that time he was just 20. He still owns the paper, which is a prosperous property.

In 1896 (aged 38), he went to Manhattan and bought The New York Times. Twenty-five years later, he let the story of that venture become known. The Times in 1896 had a circulation of 18,900 and was losing several thousand dollars a week. In 1921, the circulation was 352,528, and its profits were estimated at about $2,000,000 a year. He secured the stock of the old company by giving in exchange one-fifth of the stock of his new N. Y. Times Co. He paid $300,000 of the paper's debts with 5% bonds. In three years the company was on a paying basis. Ochs and his relatives own 64% of the stock and each returns to the business the greater part of the profits made. The result is that the Times, although it has never taken up with comic strips, Sunday supplements, etc., has gone ahead as steadilymore steadily perhaps as any other metropolitan paper.

Of course, Mr. Ochs had his side lines. In 1901 he made an excursion into Philadelphia, bought the Times there, and later the Public Ledger, which he consolidated. In 1912 he sold this property to Cyrus Hermann Kotzschmar Curtis. As sidelines with The New York Times, he also publishes The Annalist, The Times Mid-Week Pictorial and Current History Magazine.

Fake

A fortnight ago the New York Herald-Tribune had a great "beat." The headline ran: "New Yorkers Drink Sumptuously on 17,000-Ton Floating Café at Anchor Fifteen Miles off Fire Island" (TIME, Aug. 25, PROHIBITION). Other New York newspapers echoed the story 24 hours later, being careful to credit the Herald-Tribune with its origin. Many readers of these other newspapers felt that the credit had been given in sincere admiration for so great a "beat," credit where credit was due.

But there was more than admiration between the scrupulous credit lines. There was caution as well, lest the great "beat" were not true. Indeed the more sophisticated of Manhattan's dailiesThe News (gum-chewers' sheetlet) and the great New York World, either through intuition or spectacular scepticism, maintained the attitude from the first that the café ship was a dream ship.

None the less, Reporter Sanford Jarrell of the Herald-Tribune, who had brought in the "beat," complete with nautical bearings, itinerary, wine list and anecdotes, had gained his superiors' attention, for better or for worse. They questioned him, congratulated him, sent him off for further copy about his alcoholic argosy.

This time the details he sent in were skimpy, vague. Meanwhile other reporters could find no trace of all Jarrell had seen. Revenue cutters, scouring the seas, towed nothing to port. Suspicion grew. Haled to the HeraldTribune sanctum, Jarrell was questioned again. He stuck to his story, begged leave to bring substantiating evidence, left the office. The next mail brought a full confession that his "sea cabaret" was a myth. Sore at heart, the Herald-Tribune apologized to the public and to the other Manhattan newspapers; posted Sanford Jarrell's name on the bulletin board as "dishonorably dismissed."

On reporters' benches the country over there was much moralizing on the futility of trying to rise to journalistic fame through the over-use of one's imagination.

An Editor

The Atlantic Monthly for September appeared on newsstands and in it a biographical chapter, The Portrait of an Editor, by Don C. Seitz, Business Manager of the New York Evening World. The chapter was taken from Mr. Seitz' book of the same title soon to be published.* With the permission of the Atlantic Monthly, the New York World also published the chapter, the sub-title of which read: "Joseph Pulitzer as He Was."

*By Simon & Shuster.

Said Mr. Seitz of his late friend and employer:

"He was always interesting, seldom companionable, taking all he could from the minds of others, but rarely giving much back, his method being to reap the benefits of an aroused defense. Thus he became a great hunter for facts. . . "Mr. Pulitzer read omnivorously. Like most of us who were fed educationally on Homer in our youth, Mr. Pulitzer reserved the Odyssey as a treasure to be enjoyed in later years. He had long looked forward to the celebrated episode of the wooden horse. Coming to the event he found it described in seven rather dull lines. 'I was so d-d mad,' he remarked, 'that I could have kicked Homer!'

"He did not care to have an inside share in moulding matters, wishing all his efforts to appear openly on the editorial pages of his newspapers. He lived most of his life apart from other men, having a feeling that this was the fate of the true journalist, that he must devote-and limit-his interest to his paper. .

"The World was managed by its managers and edited by its editors. Mr. Pulitzer suggested freely, but ordered little.

"His initiative, strange as it may appear, was not extraordinary, and he frequently showed a hesitancy that verged upon timidity in adopting policies urged upon him by the juniors. His strength lay in stimulation.

"Extravagant as he was in expression, Mr. Pulitzer valued judgment that waited on facts. In one of the changes of a generation in the office, when the old heads vanished almost altogether, he caused each of the younger moulders of opinion to be given a beautiful set of gilded scales from Tiffany's—the hint was quite plain. . . .

"To compress cables and telegrams a considerable code was developed through the years. For himself he selected the cipher word 'Andes,' modestly taking the name of the second highest altitude on the earth's surface. He commonly went by the code name in office conversation. . . . Colonel George B. M. Harvey was 'Sawpit'; James Gordon Bennett came over the cable as 'Gaiter' and William R. Hearst as 'Gush.' For William J. Bryan, two code designations were used: 'Guilder' and 'Maxilla,' the latter possibly a delicate reference to jaw. Pomeroy Burton became 'Gumbo,' perhaps as he himself said because he was 'so often in the soup.' The code amused Mr. Pulitzer and he was forever tinkering it.

"When the World passed its 100,000 mark every employe received a silk hat with Mr. Pulitzer's best wishes. He usually closed all argument with a bet when the talk grew too strenuous, and the wager took the form of a hat-frequently five hats. . . ."

Fourth Week

Having disposed of the Far East, the British Labor Movement, Population, International Finance, the Experts' Plan, the League, Japanese Immigration, Pan Americanism, the Statesmen (amateur and professional) of Williamstown (TIME, July 28 et seq.) focussed their mentalities upon other problems. It was the fourth, and semifinal, week of their Institute of International Politics.

Rear Admiral William L. Rodgers, executive head of the U. S. Navy, taking courage from the warm reception his blunt remarks in favor of aggressive warfare had received the week before, continued blunt. He charged England with instigating the 1920 Washington Conference on Limitation of Armaments in order that the U. S. Navy might be reduced and Britannia left free to rule the world's commerce.

Sir James Arthur Salter, onetime Assistant Director of the Transportation Department at the British Admiralty, thereupon arose. Said he: "I assure you upon my honor. . . . I have never in the most intimate private conversations heard a whisper of the kind of far-sighted, long-directed, carefully thought out, carefully worked out policy of which I have learned this morning."

There followed a brief spat over the U. S. policy of collecting LatinAmerican debts. Banker Albert Strauss, of Manhattan, opposed Dr. Leo S. Rowe, Pan-Americanist, cited the Monroe Doctrine as the business man's friend.

Then came Russia's turn. In Chapin Hall there brooded Boris A. Bakhmeteff, the last Russian Ambassador to the U. S. (under the Kerensky régime, 1917). He has not seen Russia since the Red deluge and there was some speculation in the press as to how well fitted he was to preside over a discussion of present-day Russia. He introduced John Spargo, U. S. publicist, whose Socialist tint is more distinguishable from Soviet Red than his rather alarming personal appearance would suggest. Said Mr. Spargo:

"No crime in the history of modern civilization surpasses in malevolence the instructions given by the Russian Soviet Government at the recent Third International Congress calling upon Communist parties and groups in all parts of the world to work to defeat the Dawes [Experts'] Plan."

Spargo demanded that the Soviet go bankrupt honestly as Austria did; that it meet its creditors in good faith, float a loan, win the world's confidence.

Esthonian Minister Biib, at a round table, 'defended the Soviet to the extent of saying that in diplomatic affairs it was honest about immediate matters, that its agents did not participate in Revolutionary propaganda. Arthur B.

Ruhl, author, traveler, journalist, who has been much in Russia, came out against Spargo's and Bakhmeteff's indictments of the Soviet as a menace. Colonel William N. Haskell, onetime head of the U. S. Relief Mission to Russia, urged that a Russo-U. S. Conference would lead to Soviet recognition by the U. S., should soon be held.

This was too much for fiery John Spargo. He arose again, poured scorn

Paul Thompson

JOHN SPARGO

He poured scorn

upon Mr. Ruhl for having "moods" about the Russians, upon Colonel Has, kell for having implied that Labor in the U. S., jealous of its prestige and power, was illiberal toward the Soviets. Wilbur Thomas, head of the Relief Commission of the Society of Friends, and Sir Bernard Pares, one of the editors of the Slavonic Review, joined the anti-Spargo forces. Boris Bakhmeteff kept his peace, raising his voice only to beg the learned disputants to take their debating with somewhat more repose.

seen

The New York World: . . . "John Spargo, theorist, . . . has never Russia at all save through the somewhat smoky lens of his own profound convictions.

"Messrs. Spargo and Bakhmeteff, reading the stars from a great distance, argue that the new economic policy of Lenin has been abandoned, that contact with Russia is contamination.

"Col. Haskell, who has been somewhat nearer the scene of action, believes that the time is ripe for a positive policy. Life in Russia, he thinks, is not life in Mars or life very much different from life in any other country, except for the lack of currency."

SCIENCE

(Continued from Page 19) fungi, and to deny animal existen Sir Oliver Lodge's remarks fai summarize the opinions of many entists:

"The chances are that, taking planet at random, it is unlikely that should find on it anything akin human life. That there is life of so sort on Mars is probable enou Prof. Lowell's opinion about the nals may be doubted, but the evide he adduces for vegetation is fairly ceptable.

"Moreover, there are many con tions on Mars like those of the Ear Day and night are the same leng and the seasons are similar."

The picturesque French "savant the name may properly be applie him-Camille Flammarion (TE Aug. 11, Books) was inclined, acco ing to his nature, to take a more mantic view:

"When shall we get into commu cation with Mars? Why perhaps Martians already have tried at epoch of the iguanodon and the din saur and got tired.

"The fact of their existence is natural conclusion from observation of their planet. By what mirac could the forces of Nature, existin under identical conditions, be ster there and productive here? Th world is astonishingly like ours.

"Certainly there is less was There are no great oceans there, here, but rather little seas-Medit raneans. The many spotted patch of dark green no doubt are caused h vegetation and marshes, with lon floating weeds, like the famous Sa gasso, in which the descendants Columbus lost themselves. There ar cool, rosy dawns, scorching noon and golden sunsets, as with us, b more serene harmony.

"The Martians are happier than w are and much more intelligent. First because their planet is several millio years older than ours, and progress i the law; then, because they are les governed by matter, the gravity then being less. A man or woman of 15 pounds would weigh only 50 on Mars

"Besides, as the years are nearl twice as long, the Martian is only S when we are 94. Finally, the climate is more equable."

Horrible Prospects

The general contents of a repor prepared by a group of experts for the League of Nations Assembly Geneva were published. The c mittee consisted of experts from the College of France, the Royal Inst tute of Florence, the University Breslau, the Pasteur Institute, a Harvard, Copenhagen, Rome Columbia Universities. It was ap (Continued on Page 26)

Uncertainty

Business still hangs suspended between hope and fear. The background is too strikingly encouraging for merely a "quiet confidence"; on the other hand, the omens in the industrial world are still too obscure for certainty as to conditions during the coming season. Most business

men are entirely ready to do something strenuous very quickly, only they are not yet certain just what it is they should do.

Crop conditions are still dependent upon the weather during the coming weeks, yet prospects as to both price and volume are generally good. Industry is watching the steel business and waiting.

The movement of the crops to market, inaugurated early this year because of favorable prices, has stiffened money rates perceptibly, and netted advances in gilt-edged bonds. Yet prospects of much higher interest rates are widely considered to be re

mote.

The Experts' Plan is now undergoing the inevitable but somewhat tiresome political formalities before being officially adopted. International finance can scarcely accomplish much until this has been done, and the German loan floated. Soon the publicity tom-toms should begin to beat, summoning U. S. investors to the lottery in European stocks and bonds. Many prize numbers will doubtless be drawn, also some utterly blank pieces of paper. The beginning of this interesting process, along with our own Presidential election, should at any rate lend entertainment to an Autumn whose business prospects are still thoroughly uncertain.

"Oldest Bankers"

The tradition that Wall Street men die young is hardly borne out by John A. Stewart, Chairman of the Board of the United States Trust Co. On Aug. 25, Banker Stewart celebrated his 102nd birthday. Until three years ago, he came to his office three times a week to preside at board meetings; although not now active in the affairs of his bank, he still retains the Chairmanship and very fair health. He is the oldest bank official in the U. S.

Mr. Stewart is also the oldest living graduate of Columbia University (Class of 1840). After an initial experience as a railroad clerk, a clerk in the Board of Education, and an insurance actuary, he organized the U. S. Trust Co. in 1853. From that date to 1902, he served as its President, except for a two-year period during the Civil War, when he was called by Abraham Lincoln to act as

rose.

For July, the Labor Departme index, covering 404 commodities, istered 147.0, compared with 144.6 the preceding June, and 150.6 July, 1923. Last month's was the upward tendency shown since Feb ary, 1924. Of its nine principal c modity group indices, four declin one remained unchanged, and 1 Fuel and lighting fell from last June to 173 last July, met from 132 to 130, building materi from 173 to 169, and house furm ings from 172 to 171. Chemicals drugs remained unchanged at L But farm products shot up from I to 141, food from 136 to 138, cle and clothing from 187 to 188, and m cellaneous commodities from 111 112. As between the same months, the 404 total commodities Coverd 173 showed no change in price. I showed increases, and 125 showed

creases.

It is apparent that as V the evidence of coming "gold in tion" is inconclusive.

One indication of the possib breadth and scope of this conur tendency is the number of promine American bankers, business men a government officials who have h summer gone abroad to "study con ditions." It is generally agreed th the opportunities for profit are larg European manufacturing plants, es cially in Germany, are reported good shape. Labor is highly train abundant and heartily sick of R shevism, provided that employment fair rates can be obtained.

Most practical business men fully aware of the fact that wher dustry is sound and lacks only cap.