« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »
44 hours to be made applicable to all trades.
As in Congresses of recent years, much interest was taken in the question of Communism. M. Tomsky made a veiled speech which was regarded as the subtlest Bolshevik propaganda. One H. Pollitt advocated an international conference of all trades union movements, including the Amsterdam and Moscow Internationales, with the object of bringing the "organized workers of the world under international fighting leadership."
A. A. Purcell, Chairman of the Congress, said in answer that the Council of the Congress had already decided to ask the Amsterdam Internationale to issue invitations to call such a conference at which Russians could be present. This was taken to mean that British trades unionism would coöperate with Russians upon an equal basis but would not permit the latter to dominate or dictate.
It was clear, however, that the Congress would not go on record in favor of any policy either directly or indirectly favoring Communism, although a strong sentiment existed in favor of combating the growth of international Capitalism. After this, discussion of policy at the proposed Conference was ruled out.
An important decision was made when the Congress agreed to give the Council (a permanent body) greater power to intervene in industrial disputes. Hitherto, the power of the Council has been limited to mediation when mediation was wanted, but under its new powers it is to try to prevent industrial disputes or to marshal all the forces of the unions in aid of any union which it supports. Thus, if a
union declines to accept the ruling of the Council, it is to be reported to the next Congress and deprived of support from the rest of the unions. On the other hand, if the Council gives advice which is followed and a strike cannot be avoided, then a general strike is to be called to help the striking trade.
This move was taken as a direct slap in the face to the Communists who have in the past succeeded in bringing much disrepute upon the trades union movement by advocating hasty action. Thus, it was believed that the number of industrial conflicts will be reduced, but when they become inevitable, it seems that under the new ruling more strenuous struggles will result.
Other resolutions adopted were: 1) Abolition of cheap Asiatic labor aboard British ships.
2) Convocation of a special Congress
to discuss what industrial action can be taken when war is threatened.
3) Maximum 48-hour week, with temporary 44-hour week while unemployment is acute.
4) Telegram of support to Premier Ramsay MacDonald on his stand at Geneva (see Page 6).
5) Approval of the Anglo-Soviet Treaty (TIME, Aug. 18).
Paradoxically enough, Miss Margaret Bondfield, Britain's first female Cabinet minister, is no modernist.
Far from praising the onward rush of women to what they joyfully term "emancipation," Miss Bondfield dealt the modernists last week a snappy slap, declaring that homemaking was the greatest art to which a woman could rise.
Said she: "The fact of the matter is that a large number of women are not fit to be homemakers because they have never addressed their minds to it as a vocation. They have regarded it as merely an opportunity to satisfy instinctive cravings, to express themselves and to have a husband who will give them a good time. . . . Homemaking requires the greatest intellectual effort and the most sustained service-the infinite capacity for taking pains which amounts to genius.
"I have very little patience with the woman who wants to leave husband and children to the care of paid workers, while she herself seeks outside work because it is more intellectual."
The chronological account of the visit of Lord Renfrew to the U. S. is continued:
At the Piping Rock Club, Locust Valley, L. I., the British Polo Team and Lord Renfrew were dined. Toasts were drunk to President Coolidge, King George and the Prince of Wales (Lord Renfrew). The company ate: Cantaloupe, Lobster à la Newburg, Squab Chicken Grillé, Green Corn Sauté, Lima Beans, Broiled Tomatoes, Hot Virginia Ham, Apples and Celery Salad, Crackers and Cheese, Vanilla Ice Cream, Sliced Peaches, Coffee. Dinner over, Will Rogers made the Prince's sides ache for 20 minutes with an entertaining monologue. After that, Lord Renfrew left the party "to dance somewhere."
Next day a kind crank wrote to the
Acting British Consul in Manhattan offering to murder the distinguished British Heir Apparent. Although it was practically certain that the man harmless, New York State Troopers, U. S. Department of State Agents and Scotland Yard Detectives "took extra precautions."
On the John S. Phipps estate a polo match was arranged. Upon the side opposite Renfrew was the great Will Rogers. A brisk game ended in a score of 9-5 in the Baron's favor. His Lordship was seen strolling off the field with the inimitable comedian.
At Belmont Park, the British Baron was again seen. Arriving just after the first race, he took up a position close to the last jump of the Steeplechase Course. "Hey," yelled a bobby. "Hey, you there! Get out of that! Get back out of that! You can't go there!" The Baron was taken aback, asked Joseph E. Widener: "Must I get out?" "I think they'll let you stay here," Mr. Widener returned. The policeman was informed of the stranger's identity and withdrew, muttering apologies.
Street shieks were frankly disappointed with Lord Renfrew's wardrobe. During his visit he has (barring polo kit) only worn two suits, a grey plaid and a grey with a fine stripe; most of the time he went about in grey flannel "bags" and a sport coat. He succeeded, however, in introducing suede shoes into the country. It was noticed that many males strutted about Belmont Park, shod in the soft rough leather.
Arthur Brisbane, Hearstling, rapped the American people. Said he:
"Psychoanalysts, if any operate on a big scale, ought to look into that United States-Prince of Wales complex.
"Why millions of Americans should make pitiful idiots of themselves about a little Anglo-German boy, without especial ability, only Freud himself could tell."
¶ A tremendous party was given for the distinguished visitor by Clarence H. Mackay. It was said to be the most elaborate of all entertainments staged for the Baron since his arrival. Over 1,200 guests assembled, 800 having been invited.
Lord Renfrew was at Mitchel Field to welcome the U. S. periterrestrial flyers (see Page 31). The crowd gave him a splendid welcome until the birdmen appeared upon the horizon, then they forgot him in their natural enthusiasm for the flyers' splendid feat. For the second time-the first was in London-the Baron gripped the hands of the aviators, heartily congratulated them.
Among the plethora of characteristics that go to make the personality of M. Paul Painlevé, President of the Chamber of Deputies, is that of absent-mindedness.
Returning to Paris from Havre, whence he had gone to attend some Franco-Belgian confabs, M. Painlevé announced that he had lost his trunk. The station was searched from end to end by an army of porteurs; but there was no trunk.
The train had been held up and officials were getting worried, when M. Painlevé called the station master aside and whispered softly:
"Don't wait any longer; I have just remembered that I did not bring a
Generalissimo Degoutte, of the Franco-Belgian forces in the Ruhr, was being driven to his home at Charny, near Lyon, when the car ran up a steep bank, turned turtle, killed the chauffeur. The General escaped. On the same day M. Marcel Prevost, famed French author, was being driven near Montauban when a heavy truck ran into the automobile, smashed it badly, hurt no one. Thus did Providence spare two famed
Paris was thrilled by the sale at forced auction for 100 sous ($1.00) of the embalmed head of Henry IV of France. Newspapers and correspondents staged a bitter fight. Some said it could not possibly be the King's head; others thought to the contrary.
Russian Colonel Bezobrazov said unpleasant things about the Prince of Monaco. Baron Gunsberg, former director of the Opera at Monte Carlo, heard them, challenged the Russian to combat with swords. To the sand dunes of Calais they went and fought the matter out. A sword thrust in the arm forced the Colonel to acknowledge his error.
"Why was the church bell of St. Laurent sold to Mrs. Spencer Eddy, of the U. S.? Who authorized the sale? How much was paid for it? Where did the money go? We want our bell back." These were the questions that les citoyens of St. Laurent de Calvados, a village near Deauville, were asking. These were the same questions that M. le Prefect could not answer. He said that he knew nothing of it, would investigate.
The maiden aunts of Madrid tuttutted while the roués pooh-poohed;
The maiden aunts of Madrid tut-tutted
it was bruited that Director Primo Rivera, real ruler of Spain, was riding for a fall.
That Anthony had had his life blighted by a caressing Cleopatra reason why Primo should follow suit, so thought the prudish ones. Others, in true Latin form, made light of the matter, dismissing it with an expressive shrug of the shoulders. The truth was, so the rumor ran, that Primo had fallen in love, which, in the best circles, is not considered orthodox for a married man. La Caoba, "auburn-haired dancing girl of surpassing beauty," is the reputed recipient of Primo's ardor.
In North Africa
News from the Spanish zone in Morocco continued to be grave. Director Primo Rivera, head of the military directorate that rules Spain, caused the War Ministry to issue an insignificant communication which purported to be significant:
"There is but one way out of the situation, and that is to fight the audacious Moor until he is beaten and his morale broken. We must meet every attack of the Moors with counterattack.
"This means war, and the only way to reply is by war, not only because of our dignity but also because of our spirit of solidarity and our instinctive sense of self-preservation."
Both Spanish public and Moors have long since become used to such statements from a long succession of Spanish Governments. The Moorish rebels showed their contempt for such drivel by cutting Spanish communications between Tetuan, capital of Spanish Morocco, and Tangier, international zone lying at the extreme northwest corner of Morocco and opposite the great rock of Gilbraltar. This was by far the most decisive victory for the rebels in this year's fighting and a serious setback to the Spaniards.
The failure of Spain to pacify the Moors is due, from a military standpoint, to the mountainous country in the hinterland of Spanish Morocco. Movement of troops, maintenance of communications, so vital to distant garrisons, are some of the tremendously difficult problems with which Spain has to contend.
The inability of the Spaniards to quell the rebels in their area of Morocco caused grave apprehension in France and Italy. The map of Northern Africa depicts four areas whose inhabitants are under the suzerainty of foreign Powers: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya. Morocco is mainly under Frenc dominion and is a remarkable example of how low the great Shereefian Empire has fallen; for, still a monarchy, it is subjected to the French Republic and is now of little or no political importance. Algeria and Tunisia are likewise French possessions, while the greater part of Libya belongs to Italy under the name of Tripolitania.
At heart, many of the inhabitants of these countries do not view with equanimity the rule of foreigners, although the world is led to think differently. Encouraged by the rebels'
*Fighting has continued sporadically since
success in Spanish Morocco, part of the native population under the sway of France and Italy began to growl. France and Italy claimed that the constant disorders in Spanish Morocco imperiled the peace of their North African possessions; the implication was that Spain must either keep her Moroccan house in order or get out.
Alanson B. Houghton, U. S. Ambassador to the Republic of Germany, arrived in Washington to consult U. S. Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes on developments in Germany due to the adoption of the Experts' Plan.
Referring to development now possible in the Reich, Mr. Houghton said:
"America's immediate interest in Germany's acceptance of the Dawes arrangement lies in the fact that the $200 million loan, in which our capital is to participate so heavily, is probably the best-guaranteed loan in the history of international finance. That is the case because the entire resources of the German Nation are pledged as collateral. American capital has an even wider interest in the adoption of the Dawes report and in what is bound to be its beneficent aftermath. That interest is that there now will open up for American investment in Germany a practically unlimited field of opportunity.
"Germany is striving for the capital requisite for its development in almost every conceivable direction. It can be invested at extraordinarily attractive rates of interest, compared with the returns obtainable in the United States. In many respects, Germany today resembles one of our Western states in the days before Eastern and foreign capital came into them.
"It is altogether probable that British capital will be found ready to join American money in the pacific penetration of Germany. If it ensues, it is my private opinion that the cause of European peace-and that means world peace-will be effectively enhanced."
ble men hitherto have felt that Germany has been asked to fulfill impossible conditions. America's part in bringing them about, which is freely acknowledged throughout Germany, is not the least of its reasons for making a sincere and earnest effort to carry out the Dawes plan in letter and in spirit."
On Mar. 4, 1848, King Carlo Alberto granted to his Sardinian subjects a Statuto fondamentale del Regno, or Constitution.
An expansion of that Constitution has served Italy until the present, but Benito proposed to have it changed.
The Directorate of the Fascist Party, Benito at its head, appointed a committee of 15, composed of five Senators, five Deputies, three professors, one judge, one journalist, to modify the Constitution. Benito told them that they were only to do a little decorating and "to leave the main walls of the Constitution as they are."
This was taken to mean that the Constitution would be changed only to take into account the press and the labor organizations and the right of women to vote. Modification of the King's power or any change in Senate or Chamber was forbidden.
The Liberals, when they observed that the 15 members of the Commission were all moderate, old and experienced men, exclaimed with great satisfaction: "We are saved!"
Thus did Benito please part of his Opposition.
He Answers Nobody
With the magnificent gesture peculiar to him, Gabriele d'Annunzio, now Prince of Snowy Mountain, wrote to the newspaper Provincia di Brescia affecting proud disdain of the world, the flesh and the devil outside of his villa: "I beg you to declare that I have become the solitary, proud artist of 1911. It is my firm decision not to care or to know what happens outside my villa. Every evening, I burn before an altar of stone the heap of the day's unopened and unanswered letters. To write to me is useless, to come to my door equally useless. I answer nobody; I receive nobody. Neither prayer nor insolences can break my monastic enclosure. My dogs are wise and bite well. Have I made myself clear?"
Since it became known that the wheat crop would not come up to moderate expectations, prices of foodstuffs in particular—began to rise. During last week, they continued to rise; and with them rose the tempers of the industrial workers in various parts of Russia.
The true reason for the attitude of the industrial workers was to be found in the Government's declared policy of exporting grain. In order to maintain the advantages which have been secured from foreign recognition during the year, the Moscow Government declared it was indispensable to the country's interests that grain should be exported. What was meant was that exports were necessary to balance imports; otherwise the returning foreign confidence in Russia would be shattered. The workers, however, could not see matters in this light and were interested solely in getting enough to eat, which they declared would be the case if grain were left in the country.
Evidence of much agitation among the workmen was seen in the increased activity of the Ogpu (secret police). The discovery of a committee to oppose the Government's grain-export policy was unearthed. This committee was engaged in exhorting the industrial workers, the railway men and the Red Army to thwart the Government, declaring that the latter was impervious to the dire distress of the hungry populace. One of its proclamations:
"If the Government persists, let us respond with a general strike. Let us refuse to pay taxes. Let us defy the Ogpu's hireling bands. Let them fire on us; we shall have rifles and machine guns, too. Better to die rifle in hand than to swell with hunger and expire like dogs."
The intense agitation on the part of the workers caused considerable nervousness among the Moscow Governmental hierarchy. Krassin, Kamenev and Zinoviev maintained that grain must be exported. Rykov, President of the Council of People's Commissaries, wavered. War Lord Trotzky thought it the height of folly to flout the people's wishes and recommended export of butter, timber, eggs, flax, oil to the West and of sugar to the East instead of export of grain.
No decision was reached.
President Stanislaw Wojciechowski went to Lemberg to open the Eastern Fair. Driving through the streets on
his return from the opening ceremony, he saw two men step out from among the crowd, throw two bombs into the middle of the road.
Fortunately, the bombs did not explode until the President was 30 yards away; when they did, no one was hurt, but . . . ah, the smell! Nearby spectators fled in wildest terror as the bombs alighted on the road. When the bombs exploded and the stink arose, they fled some more, their between clamped securely thumb and first finger. Finally, recovering from their consternation, they seized one of the bomb-throwers and, had it not been for the police, would have seriously damaged him. The other assailant escaped.
The outrage on the President was laid to a manifestation on the part of his political enemies.
U. S. Treaty
According to London information, the U. S. State Department informed the British Government that the Government of the U. S. was ready to negotiate a treaty applicable to Palestine.
Three points were to form the basis of discussion:
1) U. S. commercial rights;
2) Protection of U. S. missionaries; 3) Participation in the guardianship of holy places.
As Palestine is mandated to Great Britain by the League of Nations, all members of the League are automatically entitled to equality of commercial rights in all the mandated territories. But the U. S. is not a member of the League, and has to negotiate treaties of commerce with the mandatory Powers.
Regarding the guardianship of holy places, with which the protection of U. S. missionaries is cognate, the Council of the League of Nations ruled that the holy places should be under the care of a committee of consuls of countries represented on the Council. This again left the U. S. in the cold; but it was understood that no difficulty would stand in the way of electing an American Consul to the committee of consuls established by the League.
Wu vs. Chang
Tuchun Chi of Kiangsu, aggressor backed by the Peking Government and General Wu.
Tuchun Lu of Chekiang, defender
of Shanghai, which is in Tuchun Chi's territory.
Military Commissioner Ho of Shanghai, relative of Tuchun Lu and with him engaged in defending Shanghai.
Super-Tuchun Wu of Chihli, Shantung and Honan, Kiangsu, Shansi, Shensi and Szechwan, greatest power in China, military sponsor of the Peking Government.
Super-Tuchun Chang of Manchuria, enemy of Tuchun Wu, who, two years ago, chased him from Peking.
President Tsao Kun of China. His political sympathies align him with General Chi and Super-General Wu.
Dr. Sun Yat-sen, President of South China, bitter enemy of Peking.
The threatened war (TIME, Sept. 8) between Tuchuns Chi and Lu began. Much fighting took place in the sector which intervenes between Shanghai in the East and Lake Taihu in the West. The noise of the confiict was appalling, but the casualties were out of all proportion to the shots fired; for, according to observers, the Chinese were characteristically wasting ammunition by firing wildly, often pointing rifles and artillery pieces at the clear, blue sky. After all, it must not be forgotten that half a century ago the Chinese, although they had known gunpowder centuries before, fought with swords, poisoned spears and darts and loud shouts. Their sole scientific weapon was the stinkbomb.
With all the furor of battle, no important results were achieved. Tuchun Chi started a propaganda service. In manifestos, delivered to Tuchun Lu's troops by airplane, Chi offered $50,000 to anyone who would hand over Lu dead or alive. A similar amount was offered to any officer who deserted Lu and brought his entire regiment over on his side. Twenty thousand dollars price to be paid, C. O. D., for each artillery gun or airplane; $1,000 was offered for machine guns; two months' pay was promised to each of Lu's deserting soldiers. Finally, the manifestos accused Lu of "crimes as big as Heaven," described him as a "murderer, robber, rebel, tyrant, accepter of bribes." On top of this, Chi told Lu's soldiers: "I sigh for you."
Two American women experienced a thrill and displayed great bravery. While the bombardment of the village of Liuho was in progress, Miss
Grace T. Crandall, woman physician, and Miss Susie M. Burdick, both in charge of the Seventh Day Baptist Mission Hospital, nursed wounded Chinese soldiers, nor would they budge until heroic Associated Press correspondent, amid a "rain of bullets," brought up a truck and moved women and patients to safety in Shanghai, some 15 miles away, which was guarded by foreign troops and warships.
At this stage of the war, news of grave import came to light. Despite denials that Tuchuns Wu and Chang would participate in the struggle, it became early established that Chang was financing Lu and that President Tsao Kun (and probably Tuchun Wu) was supporting Chi. On top of this came a declaration of war from Chang in shape of a 1,000-word telegram from Mukden. Chang related a list of crimes committed by Tsao Kun and Wu. He swore to "rid the country of the people's traitors, thereby removing the obstacle to national peace and reviving the vitality of the people," and promised "for the sake of our nation" to "lead my army against them."
About the same time, Dr. Sun, "perpetual rebel," declared his intention of sending north a force to assist Tuchun Lu. The provisional line-up of the Tuchuns is Wu, Tsao Kun and Chi, swaying the provinces of Chihli, Honan, Shantung, Kiangsu, Szechwan, Shansi, Shensi and Kansu, against Chang, Sun, and Lu, who control the provinces in Manchuria and the provinces of Kwangtung and Chekiang. Much uncertainty was injected into the general situation by the unknown attitudes of the Tuchuns of the contiguous and intervening provinces of Fukien, Kiangsi, Anhui.
A more accurate idea of the strengths of Wu and Chang, who must now be regarded as the chief figures in the war, is to be obtained from an analysis of the areas and populations of their provinces and the provinces allied to them: Wu: 653,890 sq. mi. 157,180,000 people. Chang: 500,250 sq. mi.
Recruiting was brisk. Gangs of soldiers armed with ropes and handcuffs, scoured the country. All likelylooking Chinamen were roped for military duty and sent to the front. Conscientious objectors were handcuffed and forced into the first line, where, from all accounts, they were relatively safe.
To ensure the safety of foreigners in
Shanghai, the U. S. had 250 marines landed, Britain 360, Japan 400, Italy 100. Outside the harbor, an armada of 22 foreign warships was rocked by the sea.
Ambassadors are exchangeable commodities. When Washington nounced (TIME, Sept. 8, NATIONAL AFFAIRS) that it was sending Edgar Addison Bancroft to Tokyo as U. S. Ambassador to Japan, Tokyo scouted about to find someone to send to Washington as Japanese Ambassador to the U. S. in succession to smiling Ambassador Masanao Hanihara.
The choice was said to have fallen upon Tokichi Tanaka, whilom Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, whilom Counselor of Embassy at the Washington Embassy, whilom Consul at Seattle. But Eki Hioki, once Japanese Ambassador to Germany, and Tsunso Matsudaira, a sub-minister in the present Cabinet, were also mentioned as marketable diplomats.
Meanwhile, the Nichi-Nichi, chief vernacular sheetlet of the Eastern Capital, "enthused" over the appointment of Mr. Bancroft:
"Whether or not he has any special interest in the Far East is a question that will not alter our attitude toward the new Ambassador. We welcome a man who comes to our country with a clean, white sheet of paper, free of experience. He may be freer to do what he believes ought to be done.
"Whether he be pro-Japanese or not is immaterial. What we hope is that he will see things as they are and will face Japanese-American problems squarely, and will have the courage to solve them, to do what he believes right without regard to Japanese criticism; but at the same time, if he finds injustice among his own countrymen, to say so boldly."
LATIN AMERICA Princely Visit
While Lord Renfrew, on the northern continent of America, moves in comparative freedom, another prince, on the southern continent, has to be watched and guarded zealously.
Crown Prince Umberto of Italy, having been fêted with royal ceremonies by Argentina (TIME, Aug. 18), departed for Brazil, where he was to have been accorded a royal welcome in the gay capital of Rio de Janeiro. This plan was mutilated, however, by the recent São Paulo revolt (TIME, July 14 et
PRINCE UMBERTO "The chances of assassination were great"
seq.), and the chances of the Prince's being assassinated if he landed were thought to be so great that President A. da Silva Bernardes requested him to remain upon his warship, where President and Government are to pay him homage.
Recent events in Chile were not a little exciting.
Parliamentarians were beaming and slapping one another's backs, because they had succeeded in having passed a bill to grant themselves salaries, when there appeared upon the threshold of the Senate a few irate Army officers who loudly protested that they and the working class had been neglected.
President Allesandri sent for the officers and, instead of having them shot or arrested, he invited them to write a petition of their wants. The officers asked for:
1) Formation of a non-political Cabinet.
2) Veto of the bill providing salaries to legislators.
3) Passage of the budget law. 4) Payment of public employes. (They have, allegedly, not been paid for months).
5) Adoption of measures, now before Congress, for the working class.
The President accepted the petition; so did the Senate; so did the
Chamber of Deputies; so did the Cabinet, which was prompt to resign. A new Cabinet was formed, non-political in nature, pledged to institute the reforms mentioned in the petition. General Luis Altamarino headed the Cabinet taking the portfolio of Minister of the Interior. Other ministers:
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Emiliano Figueroa, onetime Ambassador to Argentina.
Justice and Instruction: Gregorio Amunategui, Rector of the University of Chile.
War: General Bennett.
Public Works: Angel Guarello, onetime Minister of Justice and at present the most prominent Democrat in the country.
Thus did the Army officers accomplish by the pen what is usually undertaken in Latin America by the sword-a coup d'état. Not only this, they apparently received the plaudits of vast sections of the Chilean populace.
Early this year (TIME, Feb. 11), a revolution broke out in Honduras. The revolt was caused by presidential candidates in the elections failing to receive a majority. The ballot having failed, the disappointed candidates took to bullets.
In March, President Rafael Lopez Gutierrez died. His term of office had expired on Feb. 1, but he had kept himself in office by establishing a dictatorship. Immediately after the President's demise, Generals Arias and Bueso seized power and constituted themselves dictators (TIME, Mar. 31). Thereupon Generals Tiburcio Carias and Gregorio Ferrera joined forces, wacked the dictators.
After much fighting, the revolt came to an end. Through the offices of Sumner Welles, a special peacemaker sent to Honduras by U. S. President Coolidge, the rival parties were brought together and agreed upon the selection of General Tosta as provisional President (TIME, May 12).
Less than three months later (TIME, Aug. 11), revolution again broke out. General Ferrera charged that his old friend General Tosta, under whom he was once Minister of War, was seeking to perpetuate discord in the country; at the same time he disclaimed any personal ambitions for himself.
Last week, an offer made by the U. S. Government to use its good offices in settlement of the dispute was accepted by both sides. The end of the second revolt was envisaged.