Vol. IV. No. 12

The Weekly News-Magazine

NATIONAL

THE PRESIDENCY

The White House Week

(The President reviewed a parade of 30,000 soldiers and civilians celebrating Defense Day.

A special announcement was issued from the White House:

General John J. Pershing, General of the Armies, having this day reached the age of 64 years, is retired from active service in conformity with a requirement of an act of Congress approved June 30, 1882. already received

General Pershing has from the Congress the thanks of that body and of the American people, and now I extend to him anew the thanks of the nation for his eminent services, and feel certain that I voice the sentiment of the entire citizenry of the Republic in wishing him long life, happiness and prosperity in the retirement he has so richly earned.

(Signed) CALVIN COOLIDGE.

Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge attended the first inning of a baseball game between local police and firemen, then went aboard the Mayflower to spend the week-end with political counselors and the report of the Tariff Commission

on sugar.

Young John Coolidge left the White House, took train and sped away, to matriculate at Amherst, his father's

alma mater.

Mr. Coolidge with several members of his Cabinet waited several hours in the rain, wearing rubbers and a slicker, to welcome the Magellans of the air, the peri-globular fliers, returning to the Capital of their nation.

Malcolm MacDonald, son of Ramsay, British Premier, was the guest of Secretary Hughes, who presented the young man at the White House.

THE CAMPAIGN

Words

At Denver, John W. Davis, going into new country, began to use new Weapons, although he did not abandon the oil scandals, the Republican tariff. His first topic was irrigation and reclamation. He cited the misfortune which has overtaken many settlers on irrigation projects; told how, in many cases, settlers were in dire distress because the Government's estimated cost of reclaiming their lands had been greatly increased by

September 22, 1924

the time the actual project was completed. He quoted the Republican platform which recommended the curtailing of irrigation projects to prevent overproduction, and then exclaimed:

"I invite every settler on any irrigation project to read that statement. He knows now with what earnest sympathy the leaders of the Repubcan Party view his difficulites."

At Cheyenne, on Defense Day, Mr. Davis turned to the problems of defense and spoke:

"So long as an adequate Navy guards our coasts, we need not fear the coming of any invader. . . .

It

"At the Washington Conference on Disarmament, we accepted a definite ratio in the matter of capital battleships of 5-5-3, as between Great Britain, America and Japan. startled an American to learn from the lips of the Secretary of the Navy himself that those in power have permitted America's actual strength in battleships to fall to the figure of four or below.

"When that Conference ended, the

public, I think, gathered the impression that equality in naval equipment between Great Britain and America was assured and that American superiority over Japan at the ratio of five to three was fixed for the next ten years. I do not charge that this impression was the result of any intentional misrepresentation. But the American public is entitled to know that that Conference dealt in no way with modern cruisers, with submarines or the auxiliaries of a fleet; that, against 44 modern cruisers owned by Great Britain and 25 by Japan, the United States has but 10; and that in ocean-going submarines and airplane-carriers, our position is still more disadvantageous. We must not let praise for the good intent that lay behind the Washington Conference blind us to the partial and inadequate character of its scope and results."

At Topeka, Mr. Davis, in a number of rear-platform speeches, turned his attention for the first time to Mr. LaFollette:

"It is conceivable-I do not believe it probable that the Republican Party may win . . . It is conceivable —and I think it is probable that the Democratic Party will win. . . .

"But is there anybody who believes that the third party, the Progressive Party, can win possession of the Presidency and a majority in the Senate and a majority in the House? I know of no one who contemplates that contingency.

"I submit to those who wish to see progress in this country, to those who wish to see honesty in government and who wish a restoration of a Government of justice and courage, that they have in this election, as reasonable men, no cause to vote any ticket other than of the Democratic Party."

He then returned to the theme of Republican corruption and the tariff, of which he said:

"It costs the State of Kansas alone $66 million annually in the additional price the people of this state are com

pelled to pay for the things they buy." At Kansas City. After speaking at Topeka, John W. Davis went to Kansas City. There he stopped at the Hotel Muehlebach. He left his room and went to another room in the hotel. There he called on Senator James A. Reed of Missouri, who is invaliding from a recent illness. Senator Reed not long ago announced himself as a supporter of Mr. Davis. So the two are on good terms, although Mr. Davis is a proponent of the League of Nations and Mr. Reed a violent opponent.

At Milwaukee, Charles G. Dawes went to the lair of La Follettism to attack, not because the Republicans hope for success there, but rather because of the compelling interest which comes to those who attack the lion in his den. He declared that the La Follette plank, which would permit Congress to override a decision of the Supreme Court that a law is unconstitutional, would destroy the authority of the Constitution which guarantees the civil and political rights of the individual, which reserves certain rights to the states. He said:

The

Of popular government: "That government whose policy is determined by the ultimate judgment of the people will permanently survive. government whose actions are determined by the passing phases of popular opinion, as distinguished from ultimate opinion, will perish. The Constitution of the United States establishes the rule of the people, as distinguished from the rule of the mob."

Of LaFollettism: It "represents the aniquintessence of demagogism mated by the vicious purpose of undermining the constitutional foundation of the Republic."

Of LaFollette's Labor Day speech: "A violent and unsupported affirmation.

Never in the history of the United States has the commonsense of the average individual received a greater affront."

Of the Convention which adopted the LaFollette Platform: "The heterogeneous collection of the representatives of organized minorities which endorsed the candidacy of Robert M. LaFollette could never have evolved a platform of their own, so diverse were their doctrines and so impracticable and impossible their scattered viewpoints. It seems that there was but one man in the U. S., who could impose a platform upon them; and he only could do it because the cardinal principle of his platform was an attack upon the courts and the Constitution of the U. S. . . That is why the Socialist Party

is standing behind LaFollette; and, in the words of Eugene V. Debs, telegraphing his endorsement in this campaign 'is adhering rigidly to its principles and keeping the red flag flying.'"

At Washington, one William Meuser and a committee from the Steuben Society addressed Mr. LaFollette, promising him the support of six million U. S. citizens of German blood. Said Mr. Meuser: "The notification which we convey to you is the expression of the mature judgment of 90% of the most loyal, modest and conservative element in the American complex, which recognizes in you the shining qualities of conservative statesmanship and unbending devotion to the principles of constitutional government."

Answered Mr. LaFollette: "From my heart I thank you for your stirring message and welcome the support you pledge. . . .We are hearing much in this campaign of the Constitution and of Americanism. I am content to have it so. But I insist that the best friends of the Constitution are those who dared to voice their protest when that instrument, ordained to give perpetuity to the immortal declaration 'conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal,' is invoked as a shield for corrupt and lawless wealth and for the oppression of the liberties of the people in the exercise of their inalienable rights.

"I maintain that the real enemies of the Constitution and the real menace to American Government are those unpunished agents of corruption who have despoiled the public domain and betrayed the people, who have written the blackest page in the history of our Government from their high Cabinet positions, and who, it must be said to the shame of the country, have gone to this hour without Executive rebuke.

"To trace the progress of this malignant disease, which threatens the very foundation of Constitutional Government, we need only survey the wide chasm which separates Carl Schurz, Secretary of the Interior in Garfield's Cabinet, from Albert B. Fall, Harry M. Daugherty and others of intimate and daily association with this Administration."

Where the Money Goes

Donald MacGregor, correspondent, recently wrote an article on campaign management. As a specific statement of what the Parties are doing and will do in the present campaign, it was of little value; but it rehearsed, in a general manner, the

Mr. MacGregor laid out a ty campaign budget:

25% for headquarters expenses 20% for speakers and radiocas 20% for campaign books, butt posters

15% for miscellaneous and gency costs

10% for advertising
10% for press bureaus

The 25% for headquarters penses is devoted to rent and n agement, to scores of clerks and s ographers and other assistants, s as are necessary in the business spending several million dollars e tively in two or three months. possible, the headquarters are usu made expensively elaborate, beca visitors like feeling that they h been to call on a successful org zation.

The 20% devoted to speakers g mostly for railroad fare and h bills, since most of the speakers g their time free. Radiocasting will down some of the traveling expen but will add instead another cos the use of telephone wires for car ing speeches to distant radiocast stations. Every radio speech n costs several thousand dollars.

The 20% for campaign trink goes into a number of things. T most elaborate is the campaign t books giving the party platform, ceptance speeches of the candida and other good party propagan These are distributed to local ca paigners, to editors, to correspon ents, etc.-wherever they may good-and they cost perhaps $50,00 There are also many thousands pamphlets, much cheaper to get of but much more numerous. The are posters and lithographs of t candidates which cost about fo cents apiece. In 1920, the Repub cans distributed 5,000,000 of these crucial states. There are also can paign buttons costing from thr cents apiece up, depending on the elaborateness. A shipping depar ment must handle the distribution all this stuff. In 1920, the Republ cans spent $680,000 on shipping.

Billboard advertising is more flex ble than other means of expenditur is more likely to be practiced b those with well-filled campaign chest than by those who are cramped their funds. Even in the gigant year of 1920, the Republicans sper only $400.000 in this way.

The 15% for miscellaneous item covers telegraph and long distan

telephone calls, everything extraordinary. Usually, the traveling expenses of the Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates come out of this fund rather than out of the general speakers fund. These traveling expenses frequently come to 5% of the entire cost of the campaign. The reason for this is that candidates travel on special trains so that they can stop by the wayside to make speeches and thus facilitate their business. Special trains are expensive. Cars are rented by the day and 100 full-fare railroad tickets are required also. James M. Cox spent $160,000 on his expensive stumpspeaking in 1920.

Bob Jr. vs. Butler

Republican Chairman William M. Butler counter-attacked Senator LaFollette on the question of combinations nd monopolies :

"He reiterates the conviction that here are gigantic conspiracies in Amerian industry and trade by which the system' is sucking the blood, morals nd pocketbooks of the American eople.

"As a matter of fact, in the bitumius coal industry, which comprises 5 of all coal, there is no single cororation or group selling commercial al which controls more than 5% of e output. There are 8,000 independent erators busy at the present time cutng each other's throats in competion and fully one-half of them are w selling coal for less than cost. "The price of sugar in the United ates since the tariff has averaged a tle over six cents a pound for wholele refined sugar at New York. The verage for the three years before the ar was a little over four and onealf cents per pound, making an inrease in price now of between 30 and

, while the increase in wages in the nited States has been 100% and the erage increase in the price of all other mmodities has been about 45%. It must be obvious that, if this industry ere under monopoly, it would surely

try to get the average price of commodities.

"Competition in the oil industry has resulted in tremendous overproduction and low prices. Senator LaFollette, with his usual knowledge of industrial conditions, prophesied a year ago that we would have $1 gasoline."

To this, Bob LaFollette, son of Senator, retorted:

"There is no coal trust, no sugar trust, no oil trust, no beef trust, or any other kind of trust, so far as Mr. Butler has ever heard. All the trusts are gone. Harry Daugherty smashed

them.

"Coal, according to Mr. Butler, is selling for less than cost, Standard Oil is a philanthropic institution, and the 'Big Five' packers are dead broke. Only the tariff, says Mr. Butler, is protecting the innocent beet sugar trust from the terrible Cuban cane sugar trust, when everybody knows that both are controlled by the same bunch of American financiers.

"I challenge Mr. Butler to go anywhere west of the Mississippi and recite his farm prosperity statistics to an audience of bankrupt farmers."

Protestants

The following is an extract from a 'document given to the press and published in many Republican papers:

The undersigned, who were supporters of Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Party, hereby express resentment at the attempt to arrogate the name of "Progressive" for the radical movement represented by the candidacy of Senator Robert M. LaFollette, and join in this statement of reasons why his candidacy is not entitled to Progressive support.

The movement in which we united with Theodore Roosevelt and millions of other Americans, under the historic name of "Progressive," was not radical. Its purpose was to improve American institutions, not to substitute others for them. It stood for political and social justice, not economic revolution. It believed in democracy, not socialism. The only political party of which Senator La Follette is the avowed candidate is the Socialist Party. The rest consists of incongruous groups invited as class blocks rather than as citizens holding common views, who agree only in their disagreement.

re

The Republican Party, which he now pudiates, was satisfactory to him when it had shrunk to a minority fragment dominated exclusively by its conservative element. He said in 1912: "If they [the leaders] are recreant to their trust, the party may suffer the temporary defeat of its purposes. But what abject folly to seek upon such a basis to destroy a great political party. with

a

clear progressive majority in its ranks, within which there has been builded up a progressive movement that promises to make the Republican Party the instrument through which the government will be restored to the people. And upon that fact in recent political history, I appealed to progressive Republicans everywhere to maintain their organization within the Republican Party." What Senator LaFollette would not do for a sound progressive movement because he was not the candidate, he now does for a destructive, radical one because he is a candidate.

Of him Roosevelt said: "He is acting in such fashion as to make him one of the most potent enemies of this country and a most sinister enemy of democracy.

We are

to stand against men of the stamp of LaFollette. We had this type in the Civil War. Then we called them "Copperheads."

We regard it as a supreme challenge to

.Col.

Ill.

F. P. Corrick. Neb. J. M. Parker... .La.
Mrs. William Curtis G. D. Pope.. Mich.
Demorest N. Y. F. C. Porter.......Calif.
C. P. Dodge..
G. F. Porter.
M. H. Elliot. .R. I. G. C. Priestley....Okla.
Lewis Emory Jr....Pa. Raymond Robins.....Ill.
H. D. W. English. Pa. Charles Ringer.......Ill.
J. R. Garfield......Ohio C. R. Robinson....N. Y.
A. L. Garford. .Ohio C. H. Rowell......Calif.
Benjamin Griffith..Col. H. K. Smith.
H. Hagedorn......N. Y. P. S. Stephenson...Va.
A. B. Hart... Mass. Oscar Straus.......N. Y.
E. H. Hooker.....N. Y. Julian Street.. N. J.
A. M. Hyde. Mo. E. A. Van Valken-
F. Kellor.....
burg
I. Kirkwood
L. N. Kirkwood....Mo.

N. Y.

Mo. E. D. Vincent.
H. E. Vittum..

FARMERS

What They Want

Conn.

Pa. .Col. Ill.

Gray Silver, "the Legislature representative" (i. e., head lobbyist) of the American Farm Bureau Federation, gave out last week a list of some of the things that farmers want from the next session of Congress: CA bill to develop Muscle Shoals for cheap fertilizer. Mr. Silver spoke repeatedly of the Ford bid, but did not specify that it was the only one acceptable to farmers. He argued that more power must be applied to agricultural processes and showed the effect of increased power; that in 1850, with 1.5 horsepower per farmer, nine farmers were able to feed themselves and one other man; that today, with 4.6 horsepower per farmer, one farmer is able to feed himself and three other men. But, he added, "the value of agricultural products per worker is about $2,000; the value of the manufacturer's nearly $6,000; the miner's, $3,000; the railroader's, $2,500." This is in spite of the fact that the investment in agriculture is twice that in manufacturing, four times that in railroads and ten times that in mining. He admitted that horsepower applied to agriculture does not produce as great an increase in the value of the product per worker as in other lines of activity. If this be true, it means not only that power will be turned to other more profitable uses than farming, but also that there is no legitimate reason why the community as a whole should develop its power for agriculture rather than for more productive enterprises.

A bill to permit the Department of Agriculture to dye all imported field seeds which it finds not adaptable to this country. The object of this bill

"The War Department has received, during the evening, dispatches from all corps area headquarters describing the results of the defense test. These reports show that more than 16,792,781 person have particpated, and that there have been 6,535 demonstrations."

If 16,792,781 persons did not take part in Defense Day exercises (one person in every seven), at any rate a large number had a hand. The official bulletin compiled from the reports of corps area commanders may have contained some pardonable exaggerations.

But the idea was simple-to get the people accustomed to the initial steps which must be gone through in a national emergency. Parades, sham battles, demonstrations were an incidental means of dramatizing the idea.

In Washington, General Pershing and President Coolidge reviewed a parade of 30,000 people. Secretaries Hughes and Weeks looked on. Major General John L. Hines, the new Chief of Staff and successor of Pershing, Admiral Edward W. Eberle were part of the group. In 6,534 other communities, lesser officials did the job.

General Pershing issued a farewell statement in honor of the day which was coincident with his retirement:

"To participate in ceremonies attendant upon the retirement of officers and enlisted men, as I have done numberles times, gives one no adequate idea of his feelings when his own turn comes. But even in severing an association that has lasted as long as mine, there are some compensations. I can look back over the period and see the evolution of the Army from a small body of highly specialized Indian fighters, for the most part remote physically and mentally

from the great mass of their fellow-citizens, into the Army of today-Regulars, National Guard and Reserves-twothirds of which are civilians participating in the business, political and social

Paul Thompson

JUDGE GARY "Crowley, see to that!" "McRoberts, attend to this!"

lives of their various communities, but none the less integral factors in the national scheme of defense."

In the evening he talked by telephone, with Major General Robert L. Bullard, at New York; Major General Harry C. Hale, at Chicago; Major General George B. Duncan, at Omaha; Major General Charles G. Morton, at San Francisco. Connections were made so that all five heard what the others said, and radiocasting stations spread all their remarks far and wide. Pershing: "Hello, General Bullard Please don't sing for us this

a powerful peace demonstration in the Chicago area today."

Pershing: "Most gratifying."

General Pershing then told Genera Hale that there had been "a wonderf turnout" at Washington, that Presiden Coolidge had reviewed. Said he: "Jus one word more before I terminate m active service at 12 o'clock tomorrow I don't know anybody who wants t turn the hands of the clock back and doesn't make much difference."

Hale: "I, too, will soon follow i your footsteps. Success and hap piness. Goodnight, General."

Omaha answered the next switch o signals: "This is Duncan talking."

Pershing: "Is that you, George? Di you hear what Hale and Bullard jus said?"

Duncan: "Yes, I listened. . . . The only echoed what happened in this corp area. . . . We regret to hear you sa goodbye to the Army."

Pershing thanked him, reminisce briefly, hung up.

Coincident with the military test which brought National Guardsme and reservists to the colors, which pro vided for the temporary enrollment o Red Cross nurses and civilians every where (even in Paris 250 men regis tered for service), the captains of in dustry rallied around their desks fo the national defense. It was a grea game. In the Engineering Societie Building in Manhattan, Judge Elber H. Gary, Chairman of the U. S. Stee Corporation, received a hypothetically frantic order for railway equipment.

"Crowley," he cried, "See to that!" "At once," exclaimed the Presiden of the New York Central, and began to execute orders right and left, which went humming out in code over imag inary telegraph lines.

Came an order for untold wealth. McRoberts," shouted Judge Gary "Attend to this!"

"Aye, aye, sir," called the Head of the Metropolitan Trust Company jumping forward.

As the myriad demands were made so they were met by a ten-myriad of orders. It was a great game whether or not it all happened as reported. In the end, the captains of industry wer rewarded for their labors. A telegram arrived:

"JUDGE ELBERT H. GARY:

"Please be good enough to communi cate my good wishes and the assuranc of my deep interest in the purposes of the gathering which is being held today by the leaders of the industrial and en gineering activities of the country. The national power in these departments i one of our firmest reliances for pros perity and security.

(Signed) "CALVIN COOLIDGE."

SHIPPING

Wood and Flames

One of the great stories of the Trojan War was the wooden horse. One of the best stories of the World War was the wooden ships. Now their weather-worn hulks are lying in profitless decay.

The Shipping Board wanted to dispose of them on any terms. The Western Marine and Salvage Co. came forward with an offer. On the calm waters of the River James, lay 218 ships, the pride of U. S. wooden navy, built at a cost of $235 million. The Salvage Co. has taken an option on the entire lot. Ten are to be burned. If the iron and copper salvaged from the ashes repay the effort, the whole fleet will be bought for $262,000.

The ships are being towed to the Potomac, off Tidewater Virginia. When practical, they will be drawn up on shore; when not, they will be left afloat. Oil, $25,000 worth, will drench their frames. And the flames, leaping and licking, will devour their caken bodies in the last great lustration of a war gone by.

gress reassembles. By Mr. Lewis' reappointment hangs a tale. The Tariff Commission has been

Clinedinst Studios

"Bully! Bully!" said General Bullard (See opposite page)

badly divided against itself. It was divided three to three on the question of whether a member should sit on a hearing in regard to a commodity in which he was financially interested. Congress settled that question by saying "No!" The latest division was on the question of the sugar tariff. The Commission submitted two reports to Mr. Coolidge. One said: "Employ the power of the flexible provision of the tariff law to raise the sugar tariff." The other said: "Employ that power to lower the sugar tariff."

The President is still meditating on this advice. But Mr. La Follette, quicker to express himself, cried out that the tariff should be lowered, adding that the beet-sugar, high-tariff group were out to prevent the reappointment of Commissioner Lewis, who voted for a lower tariff. The reappointment of Mr. Lewis was President Coolidge's reply-in part. His decision on the tariff itself is still in abeyance.

The politics of the situation is curious. The high sugar-tariff group consists principally of the beet-sugar farmers of the West; their advocate par excellence is Senator Smoot, of Utah. Their argument is that we must have a high sugar tariff; if not,

the sugar importers from Cuba will cut prices, drive the beet sugar industry out of existence, and then hold up the U. S. consumer at will. As may be expected, the regular Republicans, with their high-tariff proclivities, usually rally round this standard. The high-tariffers have had most of their own way.

The low sugar-tariff group is composed principally of the importing refiners and a number of large financial interests who have great investments in the Cuban sugar industry. Certain Democrats are with them, except those who come from sugar-producing states, and Senator La Follette. They argue that, since by far the greater share of our sugar is imported, and since it is estimated that sugar makes up as much as 25% of the nourishment taken by this country, it is unjust to tax the great consuming public for the benefit of a few sugar farmers.

Here one finds Senator Smoot and his regular cohorts taking the side of the sugar farmers; and Senator LaFollette aligned, in regard to one issue at least, against a group of farmers and on the same side as the great financial interests which he attacks.

THE CONGRESS Primary Season

The last week saw the making of a number of important nominations in widely scattered states. Some of the most significant include:

In South Carolina, ex-Governor Cole Livingstone Blease was nominated over Representative J. F. Byrnes after the present incumbent Senator N. B. Dial had been eliminated in a previous primary. Some of the feeling which Governor Blease can rouse may be gathered from a coruscating editorial in the London (Ky.) Mirror:

"CRAZY AGAIN

"People familiar with South Carolina say the State goes stark, staring, raving crazy about every thirty years. In 1801 it voted solidly and persistently for Aaron Burr for president. In 1830 it undertook to nullify the tariff laws of the United States and was called to order sternly by Andrew Jackson. In 1860-61 it first seceded and then fired on Fort Sumpter and forced the rest of us into a hopeless civil war. In 1891 it threw out of the United States Senate Wade Hampton, the greatest soldier it ever has produced, and the man whose magnificent and daring leadership de