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Vol. IV. No. 13
The Weekly News-Magazine
THE PRESIDENCY Mr. Coolidge's Week
The President reviewed the Ma.rines stationed at Quantico as they marched into the White House grounds headed by Major General John Archer Lejeune, following maneuvers on the battlefield of Antie
At Amherst, John Coolidge, son of the President, took a pledge to Phi Gamma Delta, fraternity to which Coolidge senior belongs.
In honor of Mexican Independence Day, President Coolidge sent a telegram to President Obregon expressing "cordial felicitations and fervent wishes for the continued prosperity of your great and friendly republic."
Following a cruise aboard the Mayflower, the President telegraphed Secretary of the Navy Wilbur to hasten back from a vacation in California. When the Secretary arrived, the President intrusted him with the job of forming a commission to evaluate the Navy's needs in regard to aircraft, submarine, surface craft, in order that the Navy budget for 192526 may be intelligently cut.
The President addressed the Holy Name Society (see Page 16), at the foot of the Washington Monument, after 100,000 of its members had marched for four hours in the rain. Said he:
"The importance of the lesson which this society was formed to teach would be hard to overestimate. Its main purpose is to impress upon the people the necessity for reverence. This is the beginning of a proper conception of ourselves, of our relationship to each other and our relationship to our Creator."
THE CAMPAIGN Alarums and Excursions
The progress of a week's campaigning found the combatants one week nearer election.
Calvin Coolidge sat tight and held his peace.
Charles G. Dawes wended his
September 29, 1924
into the "radical" Northwest. His first stop was at St. Paul, seat of the American Legion's annual Convention. He announced that he was not there on politics and marched with his Evanston post instead of reviewing the parade. Then he swiftly went home, only to set out again for Sioux Falls, S. D. At Freeport, Ill., he promised, from the back platform, to "spill enough beans to break the bean market." At chilly dawn, at Rock Rapids, Iowa, from the rear platform, he exclaimed: "Here is where I feel at home." The big talk at Sioux Falls was before 8,000 people in the Coliseum. On the stage with the General sat Senator Peter Norbeck and also Governor W. H. McMaster, who is supposed to have radical leanings, but is nominally a Republican and incidentally one of eight candidates for Senator in South Dakota. Mr. Dawes denounced the demagogues, "blatherskites," "peewit politicians" and "political quack doctors" of all parties who made promises to farmers which they could not fulfill, who wanted to undermine the
Page 1-6 7-11 .12-13 13
U. S. Constitution. On the way home, he made more speeches, with major stops at Dubuque and Galena.
John W. Davis left the Bunceton home of Dr. Arthur W. Nelson, Democratic candidate for Governor of Missouri, after making a speech and attending a giant barbecue. He carried away with him a sore and swollen arm from shaking hands. Next day, at Syracuse, Mo., he recuperated, conferred with Edwin T. Meredith, onetime U. S. Secretary of Agriculture, took a long breath and went on to speak at Des Moines. There, before 8,000 auditors, he hammered the Republican tariff, pounded their farm policies and mauled their theories of taxation.
Then once more he set out-for Chicago. He was given a reception at the railroad station, several times as vociferous as that on his arrival in Chicago 16 days earlier. That night, he addressed 12,000 in Dexter Park Pavilion. He winced when his hand was shaken, saying: "I hurt it at the Battle of Bunceton." He denounced Republican corruption, urged his hearers to "leave the poor old sinking wreck [the Republican Party] and pull for the shore," repeated the principles of the Democratic Party, received a tremendous ovation when he came to "personal liberty." "Light wines and beer, John," called a Celtic voice. "I'm glad that there is life in the old words yet," said Mr. Davis, referring to "personal liberty."
He stayed in Chicago to have an X-ray of his arm taken, then went on to Gary where he told 3,500 steel workers: "I don't concede one single state to the Republicans without a battle."
He went farther into Indiana, spoke at South Bend, Fort Wayne. "Keep cool with Coolidge?" he exclaimed. "The President's failure to act on the Tariff Commission's advice to reduce the duty on sugar is costing the American people $145,000 32 a day.
Published weekly by TIME, Incorporated, at 236 East 39th Street, New York, N. Y. Subscription, $5 per year. Entered as secondclass matter February 28, 1923, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879.
And yet there are gentlemen in this country who believe that the greatest duty a public servant can perform is to keep cool!"
Fort Wayne ended the excur
sion; the Davis special rushed away, abandoning its halting and countermarching course across the plains, and sped like an arrow for Manhattan and rest.
Robert M. LaFollette celebrated by going to Manhattan to make his second major speech of the campaign. His managers had chosen Madison Square Garden-scene of the Democratic deadlock last June and July. The 14,000 seats of the place were filled, and about half of them had been sold for from about 55c to $2.20 apiece, bringing an income of about $12,000 from the effort. A number of local Socialist and LaFollette Progressive leaders opened the meeting. Ten minutes of applause were devoted to the Senator. Then he spoke : "In this campaign, within the corrupt and decadent old parties, we find the political descendants of Hamilton and his Tory followers, who call the American people a "mob," deny that they are masters of their own Government, believe that government exists to protect the few in their encroachments upon the rights of the many, and denounce as destructive Radicals all Progressives who dare assert the democratic doctrines of Jefferson and Lincoln.
"Opposed to these two old parties is the great Progressive movement which within the last few months has taken form in this country. It has taken years of betrayal and a long line of shameful abuses on the part of the Democratic and Republican Parties to convince the people that they must organize for political action outside both old parties in order to find relief from intolerable political and economic conditions.
"The policies and the candidates of the Republican and Democratic Parties are as like as two peas in a pod, and for that reason I shall hereafter refer to them in this address as 'our opponents.'
He referred to the proposal that Congress should have the right to override the Supreme Court:
"We favor submitting to the people for their considerate judgment a constitutional amendment providing that Congress may by reënacting a measure make it effective over a judicial veto.'
"The only question raised in this campaign on this subject, is whether the people shall have the right to have such a constitutional amendment as we propose submitted to them for their action. If they do not desire such an amendment, then of course they will vote against it when it is submitted and that will end the matter."
His speech grew lengthy and when he began to cite cases in which he believed
the Supreme Court had abused its powers, people began to leave the Garden in numbers. Nevertheless, he had succeeded in getting some 7,000 people to pay to hear him.
Burton K. Wheeler campaigned in Pennsylvania, drew a Pittsburgh audi
"Corruption!" was the cry
ence of 2,000 (at 50¢ each). Speaking of one of Pittsburgh's native sons, said he: "I need scarcely tell you that Mr. Mellon is of the class which regards property as sacred and feels that the bigger the property the more sacred it is. Raised in a bank, big finance has been his ideal. It has been his religion and Wall Street his mother church."
Then Mr. Wheeler went to Chicago, made a series of speeches, spoke harshly of General Dawes.
A couple of days later, at a Steuben Day celebration of the Steuben Society of America, Mr. LaFollette addressed some 18,000 German-Americans at the Yankee (baseball) Stadium in New York. He said that Carl Schurz, onetime Secretary of the Interior, was an Independent and a Progressive, and that he was typical of the greatness of German-Americans today. He said that German-Americans had done great things for the Government. Seats were sold at from 50¢ to $2.00, programs for 25¢, the speech for 10¢, and a collection was taken for the party campaign sheet. Afterward, several turnvereins exhibited gymnastics and German singing societies sang.
A Campaign Argument
The following is the complete text of an editorial published by the Republican
In both cases it is being used to excite fear of what may come if no candidate has a majority in the Electoral College. The Republicans assert that Coolidge is the only candidate who has the chance of such a majority. The Republicans openly hold out the prospect that the "calamity" which would ensue from a failure of the Electoral College to elect, would be a deadlock in the House, with the prospect of Bryan being chosen Vice President in the Senate, and automatically becoming President when the House found itself unable to give a majority either to CoolCertain idge, LaFollette or Davis.
Democrats, although of course they cannot hold up their own vice presidential candidate as a threat, know that some voters regard him in that light, and are not unwilling to take advantage of the fact.
What is the real force of this argument? The explanation of how the election might go to Bryan was originally an interesting plaything of an idea, but now it is being developed into a campaign bogy. It runs thus:
If the Electoral College fails to give any one a majority, then the House of Representatives is to choose a President from the three leading candidates. whom no one doubts will be Coolidge, Davis, LaFollette. For the purpose of such an election, each state delegation in the House casts one vote, determined by the majority of its members. Twenty-five delegation votes are necessary for a choice. The Democrats would have 19; the Republicans 24; and five are tied and could not vote. Besides, Wisconsin and perhaps some other nominally Republican states would vote for LaFollette. At any rate, no one would have a majority. Assuming that this condition would endure to Mar. 4, the man whom the Senate had chosen Vice President would then become
resident. The Senate choice is conned to the two leaders-Dawes and ryan. Since Dawes is repulsive to the rogressives, they would probably unite ith the Democrats to elect Bryan.
This is a novel and beautiful hyothesis. But the practical chance of matters falling out so is extremely mall. In the House sit a group of Formal politicians. Is it possible that hey would forego the chance of aming a President?
To be sure, there would have to be considerable trading before there were hifts, but there is profit in trading. Those representatives who traded their votes might get valuable patronage or other considerations in return. Many of the members will be lame ducks, and will wish to provide for their own futures. In the five delegations that are tied, if one man in each can be won over (at a price to be sure), the tie will be undone and the delegations will vote, perhaps decisively. The Democratic Convention was deadlocked for two weeks. But if the House fails to elect a President, it will be deadlocked for about seven. Something would surely be done, and almost as surely the cry of "corruption," would be raised-the same cry that followed the election of 1824, when Henry Clay threw his support to John Q. Adams, and following Adams's election in the House, was made Secretary of State.
The question of whom the House would elect is a matter of conjecture. Probably it would not be Coolidge. Both Democrats and Progressives are united against him. These two groups would presumably make some sort of working agreement such as they made on the tax bill. Whether Davis would be chosen and LaFollette promised favors, legislative and executive, or whether the reverse would be the case, cannot be said. But some practical arrangement would almost certainly be made.
Is it possible that Congressmen will orego the credit and the profit of naming a President-freely hand all that over to the Senate?
It used to be said that you can't carry a presidential election without New York. Then, in 1916, Wilson did it. But he carried California, and California was not supposed to go Democratic. This year the Republicans hope to carry New York; they are uncertain about California.
They aren't afraid of the Democrats in California. But there is La Follette, and it would be very nearly as bad for the Republican cause to lose California to La Follette as it
would be to lose it to Davis.
In Minnesota, the Farmer Labor Senators are for La Follette. In North Dakota, Frazier and Ladd, nominal Republicans, are for LaFollette. But that isn't serious, because those states are rather expected to go for La Follette. In Iowa, Brookhart, sympathetic with La Follette, is sitting on the fence. But he is offset by Cummins. In Nebraska, Norris is sitting on the fence, but the Republicans hope that LaFollette and Davis will split the opposition vote and give the state to Coolidge. All the other Republican Senators have considered it the course of wisdom to hop the Coolidge wagon, hoping that it will soon contain a band-all but Hiram Johnson.
Sullenly, in in California, Senator Johnson sits twiddling his thumbs. He isn't aligned politically on the side of La Follette in the way Brookhart and Norris are. But it happens that in the primaries he pitted himself against Coolidge and was beaten. That has been enough to keep him from casting his lot with Coolidge. "Dog in the manger," some Republicans call him, as they watch him sit by while the La Follette opposition, which he might check, worries them.
Johnson's aid, if he chose to give it, would be material to the Republican cause. California still looks upon him with favor. First he secured the conviction of Abe Ruef and helped to break up the boodle ring in San Francisco. On the strength of that, California elected him Governor in 1910. Once Governor, he completely broke the Southern Pacific Railway's strangle hold on state politics. His prestige, and his name as Vice Presidential nominee on the Progressive ticket helped to carry California for California made Roosevelt in 1912.
him Governor again and then Senator.
His going to the Senate was the beginning of his decline. He was not a brilliant Senator. But then he went on the warpath in 1920, and his power had a renaissance when he unexpectedly carried the Republican Presidential primaries in several states. 1920 was a year of reaching backward, of reaction, and the country might well have preferred to go back to Roosevelt Progressivism, of which he was the representative, to going back to Old Guard Conservatism. In the convention, however, the Old Guard licked him, and then Johnson, sore at his defeat, refused the Vice Presidential nomination that would have made him President today.
It was ironical and it was typically Johnsonian. He does not forgive.
He isn't a good loser and on that account he has been called upon to lose much. It is easy to understand him sulking in California. This parvenu, Coolidge, who took the office he spurned, calls upon him now for aid. It is not easy for him to give. He feels bitter, doubtless. His own state, the California which he dug out of the rut of corruption in 1911, preferred Coolidge to him in 1924. He has the temperament to regard such things as conspiracies against himself, as dastardly schemes to thwart him.
Clinton W. Gilbert, the political correspondent who was responsible a few years ago for The Mirrors of Washington, a book of frank and, in the main, fair but none too complimentary sketches of current political characters, tells an illustrative fact. Of all the men Mr. Gilbert's squirming pen had chosen to poke in tender parts of their anatomy, Johnson was the only one to be angered. "Only from him came furious letters and threats of action."
Johnson regards opposition as a sign of personal malignity towards him. He would like to rise and on the flat of his feet, waving his great windmill of an arm in a gesture to the cosmos, denounce this fellow Coolidge in a voice vibrating with the passion of his platitudes. Instead, he has kept a moody silence.
There is talk that the Republicans may try to use some of Mr. Hoover's influence in California to help swing the state for them, but that might induce Senator Johnson to open his mouth-for La Follette. For Hoover is a man whom Senator Johnson does not like. California is not ungrateful for what Johnson has done for her, but he has made the means of expressing her gratitude difficult. In the give and take of politics, he has lacked the capacity for mutual easements and accommodations with his fellows. And in 1924 his 1912 Progressivism is a bit outworn.
Into St. Paul, the eastern twin of the twin cities, flocked 40,000 veterans of the last major war which the U. S. has enjoyed. The occasion was the Sixth Annual Convention of the American Legion.
The actual delegates, a small portion of the whole number present, assembled in a great hall filled with State standards, in the best political convention style. Messages were read from Rear Admiral Sims, from Charles P. Donnelly (President of the
Northern Pacific Railway), Lord Byng (Governor General of Canada), Josephus Daniels, General Diaz of Italy, Admiral Beatty of England, General Pershing, Major General Lejeune, Secretary Weeks, Secretary Wilbur, Field Marshal Haig, Admiral Koontz, Georges Clemenceau, Newton D. Baker, Rear Admiral Hugh Rodman.
Judge Landis appeared and spoke. So did John J. Tigert, U. S. Commissioner of Education. But the proceedings were not all deliberative.
There was a great parade of the buddies. In it marched General Charles G. Dawes, with the Evanston contingent, refusing to sit on the reviewing stand. There was a public marriage of a post commander from Winnebago, on a platform before the grandstand on the State fair grounds. Eighteen chaplains, a band of "3,700 pieces," a spotlight, a freight-car load of wedding presents and 50,000 spectators took part.
The Convention for 1925 was promised to Omaha; for 1926, to Philadelphia. An invitation was received from France to hold the 1928 Convention in Paris.
When the Committees had completed their lucubrations, a number of resolutions were passed:
Asking that Congress restore General Pershing to active service in the Army.
Recommending that Defense Day be made an annual event.
Urging that the Navy be maintained on an equality with any in the world.
Asking Congress to modify the law so that veterans may assign their insurance benefits to the American Legion.
Demanding that Charles R. Forbes, onetime Director of the Veterans' Bureau, be brought to an early trial (see below).
Recommending opposition to pacifist and communist propaganda. Indorsing National Guard, Citizens' and Reserve Officers' Training Camps.
Urging maintenance of a strong regular army.
Promising to press its efforts to pass a Universal Service Act for drafting the entire resources of the Nation in case of war.
Condemning the Veterans' Bureau for inefficiency, although admitting that "the Bureau now is functioning more efficiently than at any time heretofore."
Thanking Congressmen who helped to pass the Bonus Bill over the President's veto.
Requesting Congress to set aside
as a trust fund the $400,000 profit from The Stars and Stripes, published in France, with the provision that the income from this fund be used for decorating soldiers' graves in France.
Making General Pershing the
COMMANDER DRAIN "... and the legionnaires, who always are thinking of what they can give more than of what they can get...
"permanent distinguished guest of this and every other American Legion Convention."
A resolution, given an adverse report by the Legislative Committee, was voted down by the Convention after debate. The defeated resolution would have pledged World War veterans to oppose any future claim for compensation on their behalf.
At the close of the Convention, the National Commander of the Legion was elected. On the first ballot, James A. Drain, of Washington, D. C., was chosen. He rose from a private to a Brigadier in the Washington State National Guard, was a Captain in the Spanish War, and served as ordnance officer of the Tank Corps during the last war. The nomination was made unanimous. All the Department standards were plucked up and carried to the platform around him.
He said: "I accept this post because I believe in the American Legion and the legionnaires, who always are thinking of what they can give more than of what they can get...."
THE CONGRESS Investigations
Although it is vacation season, two investigations have been resumed by the members of Congress.
In Washington, there assembled the Special Senate Committee for investigating the Bureau of Internal Revenue. Its former Chairman, Senator Watson,* was not present. His successor, Senator Couzens, took charge. The other members present were Senator Ernst of Kentucky (Republican) and Senators Jones of New Mexico and King of Utah (Democrats). They invited Secretary Mellon to confer with them. He came and promised every assistance, promised that their examiners and agents should be given access to the hitherto confidential income tax reports. He was given an extensive questionnaire calling for detailed information about practically all returns of net income over $100,000 from 1916 to 1920, inclusive. It will take several weeks to gather this information from the files, and for agents of the committee to make their examinations. Meanwhile the committee adjourned subject to call. Its members will be pretty well occupied with political matters until election time.
The desired information can hardly be prepared much sooner than a few days before election. Only such of it will be made public as seems to show irregularities. Later, the investigation will turn to the Prohibition enforcement. Whether there will be any developments before election time is indeed dubious.
The Special House Committee, investigating charges that there was duplication of bonds in turning out the War loans, assembled and began to pore over books.
Far from the theatre of political war, the bantering of accusation and counter-accusation, quietly in a Chicago Federal Court, Judge George A. Carpenter set the date for the trial of Charles R. Forbes, former Director of the Veterans' Bureau. Forbes was indicted with a Chicago contractor, John W. Thomson (TIME, Mar. 17), for conspiracy to defraud the Government in connection with the making of contracts for the construction of Veterans' hospitals. Ex-Senator
*Senator Watson, whose enemies call him "Administration tool," retired from the Chairmanship because he did not believe in continuing the investigation. Senator Couzens is not regarded as being friendly to the Administratior.
representing the defendants, asked that the trial be postponed until after the election because all Parties, for political purposes, were now demanding Forbes' conviction. Judge Carpenter answered that there were no politics in his court. He overruled demurrers, refused postponement, set the date for the trial's beginning for Oct. 14.
POLITICAL NOTES Brothers in Arms
The picture appearing on this page is reprinted from the Sept. 15 issue of TIME. It evoked the following letter from the smaller of the two lads depicted, and a correction of the article which accompanied the picturea correction explained by the letter: "347 Madison Avenue, Sept. 16, 1924.
236 E. 39th Street,
New York City
"On the third page of your issue of the 15th, there is a cut of me and my brother W. G. McAdoo, made from a daguerreotype taken of us when we were small boys in Georgia.
"I had forgotten this daguerreotype but would like to obtain a copy. If you will kindly let me have it for that purpose, I shall appreciate it and promptly return.
"I am quite amused at the line in the article about W. G. and me when you say that the younger brother (I) looked up to the elder (W. G.) with great admiration.
"The militant spirit following the war was strong, particularly in the South, at the time this daguerreotype was taken, and the courage of boys was tested by fisticuffs with one another. . . . Our two elder brothers, long since dead, used to egg us on to a fight by putting a chip on one or the other's shoulder and daring the other to knock it off. This was always promptly done and a combat followed.
"There was no such thing as looking up to each other.
"The last time our father ever punished me was for licking W. G., which I always did, although younger, as our two elder brothers would testify if living.
"Despite this, we were the best
James Hamilton Lewis is "the U. S. politi. cal beau." Spats, pink waistcoats, purple handkerchiefs, whiskers of scarlet hue he wears with infinite variety. In his fighting days, he would go to the toughest wards of Chicago, dressed in his gayest, huge flower in his lapel, fat and fragrant cigar in his mouth. His audacity melted the hearts of the toughsand toughs vote with their hearts.
of friends and had our pleasures and children's diseases together and always fought together against outsiders.
"Referring to politics, I hold Country above parties. The curse of
THE MCADOO BROTHERS
this country today, in my opinion, is the person who votes for a party because his or her father voted that way.
"Such person should show that they are worthy descendants of their fathers by doing their own thinking and voting for the best interest of their Country regardless of party lines.
"Referring further to politics, I shall regret very much if W. G., in order to be regular, supports the Davis ticket. That will merely show that he holds parties above his country. I am not in politics and I hold my country above parties. Senators La Follette and Wheeler are simply the leaders of a great cause which is above party. They are modern prototypes of Abraham Lincoln.
"You may publish this if you like. "Sincerely,
(Signed) "M. R. MCADOO."
Hale and agile, tanned of face and bright of eye after an invigorating sea voyage following two months abroad, William G. McAdoo last Monday marched down the gangway of the S.S. Leviathan, set foot on Manhattan Island.
In Southampton, L. I., Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt addressed a
meeting of women Democrats. Said she: "Republicans go into the Cabinet to make money; Democrats get out of the Cabinet to make money."
In Washington, Mrs. Mae Nolan, of California, only woman member of Congress, announced that, in the event of the Washington Baseball Club's winning the baseball championship of the world, she will introduce a resolution in Congress to make Walter Johnson's birthday a legal holiday throughout the District of Columbia.
In Manhattan, John K. Tener, onetime Governor of Pennsylvania, onetime President of the National League of Professional Baseball Clubs, onetime baseball pitcher, spoke as follows to a newspaper reporter: "Suppose the manager or owner of a big league baseball club suddenly developed radical ideas about how the game should be played and how the rules should be interpreted, and insisted that in his park the spectators should make the decisions instead of the umpires. Can you imagine the chaos that would result?
"Yet that is just what La Follette would do, in effect, if he had his way about the Supreme Court and other vital parts of our government machine."
Clem L. Shaver, alleged ineffectual Chairman of the Davis campaign, together with the Republican Chairman (William M. Butler), was soundly rebuked by The New York Times, chief Davis organ. Said the newspaper: "It is significant that protests against the political gush which the Chairmen of the National Committees have been so freely exuding are being heard within the ranks of their own parties . . Republican complaint about the rosy optimism of Chairman Butler is reaching and disquieting Washington. The President is urged to mobilize that famous Advisory Committee which was to hold the too sanguine and too arbitrary Butler in check . . . There is no corresponding body to watch over the outgivings of Chairman Shaver of the Democratic National Committee, but he, too, has been worrying his own party more than cheering it, by some of his interviews. The Chairmen should get it into their heads
*Walter Johnson is the leading pitcher of the Washingtons. He was born on Nov. 6, 1887, at Humboldt, Kan.