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Vol. IV, No. 2

The Weekly News-Magazine


THE PRESIDENCY The White House Week

The President named 12 of the 28 men who will constitute the Board of Tax Appeals, created by the new Income Tax Law. Seven were lawyers, accountants, tax experts from private life. Five, all lawyers, were appointed from the Internal Revenue Bureau, where they have been familiar with the kind of work required of the new Board.


General and Mrs. Dawes arrived in Washington and were met at the station by Henry M. Dawes (brother) with whom they motored to the White House. At the door, General Dawes turned aside to meet the newspaper men, many of whom he knew. question was popped at him. He answered: "I wonder." He grinned and went on: "I guess that sounds strange coming from me, but you fellows will get used to it. I must talk sense and must be cautious in my replies. This is different business from being Director of the Budget, and, much as I like gassing with the White House correspondents, I must forego that pleasure.

"I can see you fellows don't take to that 'I wonder' answer of mine. I learned it abroad. When I was working with the Reparations Commission, and this or that question was put up to one of the leading members of the French delegation, that gentlemen would look wise for a second or two and answer 'I wonder.'

"So, when I found myself President Coolidge's running-mate, I just decided to imitate that Frenchman."

That noon at table in the White House, Messrs. Coolidge, Dawes, But

July 14, 1924


ler and Stearns lunched together over
business matters.

After lunch, Campaign Manager
Butler announced that Mr. Coolidge
would be officially notified of his nom-
ination and would be expected to
make his speech of acceptance (the
first formal notice the President will
take that there is a campaign afoot)
on July 24, at 8 p. m., in Continen-
tal Memorial Hall (D. A. R. building)
with radio attachments. Mr. Dawes
would be notified at his home in
Evanston on July 29 and would make
his first speech in Lincoln, Neb., on
Sept. 1.

A day or two later and Mr. Dawes was off again for Evanston, via Manhattan.

Mr. Coolidge celebrated his birthday by delivering an address to the National Education Association (see EDUCATION), receiving 45,000. congratulatory messages, including a birthday card an inch thick and signed by 20,000 Massachusetts men, and several bedfuls of flowers.

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That afternoon Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge, looking grave, went to the Walter Reed Hospital. In one of the rooms lay Calvin Coolidge, Jr., 16, their youngest son, stricken suddenly with virulent septic poisoning that had settled in the tibia of his right leg as the result of a tennis blister. Dr. John B. Deaver, of Philadelphia, operated, but by evening it was known that the patient's condition was extremely seri


The President would not permit the publication of bedside bulletins, as in the case of high officials. Informal White House statements on July 5 said that the boy was resisting the poison but showed no improvement. Sunday's news was about the same.

On Monday came the ominous report that the patient was taking no nourishment; that William Gerry Morgan, Washington stomach specialist, had been called in consultation; that oxygen and hypodermic injections had been necessary to sustain life through the night.

On Monday evening, July 7, at 10:30 o'clock, the boy died. As best it could the Nation expressed its sympathy.


In Manhattan

At the Democratic National Convention (TIME, July 7), the 40th, the 50th, the 60th, the 70th ballot passed. All records were broken. In 1860, the Democratic Convention at Charleston had balloted 57 times before splitting over the slavery issue, after which the southern delegates withdrew and the northern wing nominated Douglas on the second ballot. In 1840, the Whig Convention at Harrisburg had taken "many, many" ballots nobody counted them-before nominating W. H. Harrison. But even if the number of ballots at these Conventions had been as great, the endurance record would have been less, for in the earlier days there were fewer states. At the Harrisburg Convention, for



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example, 22 states voted, as pared with 48 states and 6 "territories"* at Manhattan. Moreover, at Manhattan, reckoning was prolonged, since many states had more delegates than votes, and many delegates had only fractional votes. The entire Georgia delegation had only a half vote for each delegate; fortunately, it voted in unit.

Missouri had some delegates with whole votes, some with two-thirds, some with half, some with one-third of a vote. Connecticut even had tenths.

Over this great jamboree of balloting presided Senator Thomas J. Walsh of Montana, Chairman and Ballotmaster. The proceeding throughout the entire balloting was



Mr. Walsh: "The Secretary will call the roll of states for the nth ballot."

Secretary: "Alabama, 24!"

The leader of the Alabama delegation rose, with a triumphant modulation, with linked sweetness long"A-la-bamdrawled out reiterated:

ah-twenty-foah votes for Un-dawood!"



for Underwood. Arizona, six!"



leader: "Arizona-one vote for John W. Davis, one-and-ahalf votes for Underwood, three-anda-half votes for William Gibbs McAdoo."

Canal Zone

And SO on, until answered: "Canal Zone casts six votes for McAdooooo!"

Then the band would begin to play. The Secretaries would hastily comThe Chairman's gavel pute totals. would rap a few times, reverberating through the microphones. The band would break off abruptly or hurry through a few last bars.

From the platform, Mr. Walsh or another would recite:

"Result of the nth ballot: total number of votes cast, 1,098; necessary for a choice, 732.

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Bryan Speaks. So the Convention went on, monotonously, for day after day.

The only important interruption occurred one day when William J. Bryan decided to make a speech. On the 58th ballot, when Florida was reached, Mr. Bryan rose with a maThe following is an

jestic gesture. Totals for

this ballot: McAdoo 4882; Smith 3362; Davis of West Virginia 722; Underwood 46%; Baker 57; Glass 26; Governor Bryan 3; Robinson 21; Ritchie 162; Saulsbury 6; Owen 2; Walsh of Montana 1; Will Rogers 1; M. A. Coolidge 1⁄2 (or perhaps the trailers at the end might be Senator Copeland, Josephus Daniels, the Mayor of New Orleans, of Chicago or of Montpelier). No one having

Alaska, District of Columbia, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, Porto Rico, Canal Zone (six votes each).

+ Each State had as many votes as twice the number of its Representatives and Senators in Congress.


excerpt from the official report: "Mr. William Jennings Bryan: ask unanimous consent to explain my vote.

"The Chairman: The gentleman from Florida, Bryan, asks Mr. unanimous consent that he be permitted to explain his vote. Is there objection? [Cries: 'Objection.' 'I object, I object!' 'No, no, no!'] The Chair hears none. Mr. Bryan will come to the platform. [Cheers and applause, mingled with hisses and booes.]"

Said Mr. Bryan: "We have met here as representatives of the Party


in the entire Nation, and no one is accustomed to National Conventions will fail to appreciate the wis dom of bringing together representatives of the Party in all the states and territories. . .


"In the first place I want to say to has you that the Democratic Party candidates in abundance. We could call the roll of states and find every state a Democrat worthy to be President of the United States [Applause]. I am only going to mention a few. . ."


Dr. A. A

He mentioned seven: Murphree, President of the University of Florida; Josephus Daniels; Senator Joseph T. Robinson; Senator of Samuel Ralston; ex-Secretary Agriculture Edwin T. Meredith; his own brother, Charles W. Bryan, Governor of Nebraska; William G. McAdoo. His speech lacked the oldThe time wonder-working power. crowd was largely hostile; several After times delegates interrupted. every two or three sentences there was applause or hisses, cheers or heckling -mostly the latter. Shortly after his time expired, Mr. Bryan gave up. As a political speech, his effort was inglorious.

Deadlocked. McAdoo refused to withdraw. Smith refused to withdraw and leave the field to McAdoo. Nobody Both gained somewhat. gained a decision. Like the siege of Troy, the battle wavered back and forth. For McAdoo, for Smith and for John W. Davis (who was most of the time in third place), the following table shows the vote on the initial ballot and on the closing ballot of each following day:

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The only real advance made was from casualties among a few favorite Ferris of Michigan dropped out on the 8th ballot; Silzer of New Jersey, on the 9th; Harrison of Mis sissippi, on the 15th; Brown of New Hampshire, on the 16th; Charles W. Bryan of Nebraska, on the 20th, although he got a handful of votes from the 52nd on; Davis of Kansas dwindled out on the 51st; Cox of Ohio practically disappeared on the 65th; Ralston, after making a brave run in the 50's, dropped out on the 64th. Seventeen states never altered their vote during the entire first six days of balloting: California, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Kentucky, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, all

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stuck solidly, persistently to McAdoo; Alabama did the same for Underwood; Arkansas, for Robinson; Maryand, for Ritchie; Virginia, for Glass; Delaware, for Saulsbury.

Panaceas. It was apparent that something had to be done. On the 73rd ballot, a crop of mushroom panaceas came up. It was proposed:

1) That by unanimous consent the Convention drop the name of the lowest candidate on each succeeding ballot until only two were left; objection was made and ruled this out.

2) That by two-thirds vote the Convention adopt a resolution that, beginning with the 75th ballot, the lowest candidate on each ballot should withdraw his name until only five were left; defeated, 496 "Ayes" to 5891⁄2 "Noes."

3) That after the 75th ballot, the Convention adjourn to meet on July 21 in Kansas City; defeated, 82.7 "Ayes" to 1,007.3 "Noes."

4) That by two-thirds vote the Convention adopt a resolution to eliminate the lowest candidate at each ballot until two were left, ballot on these for five ballots, then, abolishing the unit rule, choose a candidate by a majority vote; defeated overwhelmingly by acclamation.

In this

Balloting then went on dispiritedly. Governor Smith gained some votes from Ohio (which had first backed Cox, then Baker) which brought him to 364-more than a third. state of affairs, even if all the favorite sons were eliminated, there must still have been a deadlock between Smith and McAdoo on account of the twothirds requirement.

The 75th, 76th, 77th ballots were passed with almost no change. The Convention was in a coma. The only diversion was when the entire house joined with Governor Brandon in announcing Alabama's unalterable vote: "Twenty-foah, foah Un-dawood!"

Taggart's Motion. When the 77th was finished, Chairman Walsh recognized Tom Taggart, ex-Senator boss of Indiana. He moved that after the end of that day's balloting, Mr. Walsh and Cordell Hull, Chairman of the National Committee, summon representatives of all the candidates together to work out a solution. Without a dissenting vote, the motion was

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It was not until three hours after the day session began that the attitude of the delegates, the tactics of the strategists underwent a change. Lethargic delegates stirred themselves, tiredlooking men became animated, "everywhere was heard a loud chatter of expectancy."

McAdoo's following began to leave him, went to other candidates-Glass, Ralston, John W. Davis. Smith stood practically still. Glass had 721⁄2 votes in the 84th and again on the 86th. Ralston (who had 4 on the 81st) rose to 93 on the 87th. Davis stood at 861⁄2 on the same ballot. At 11:45 on Monday night the Convention adjourned until 10:30 o'clock the next morning in sympathy to President and Mrs. Coolidge on the death of their son.

The Progressives

In Public Hall at Cleveland, the same place where three weeks earlier the Republican convention hissed and booed the 28 delegates from Wisconsin, the Conference for Progressive Political Action opened its Convention. The same group which the unshakable 28 had represented was there, this time as heroes and leaders; for this was the Convention that had gathered to nominate Senator Robert M. LaFollette for the Presidency.

About 1,000 delegates assembled. Who were they? What did they represent? The delegates were admitted on the following basis:

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State organizations of farmers
City Central Labor bodies
State and Local Cooperatives
State Non-Partisan Leagues
State organizations of the Women's
Committee for Political Action

Only Communists, cranks and reactionaries were not wanted-and they were very much not wanted. Alexander Howatt, radical miner leader who attended the Farmer-Labor Convention in St. Paul (TIME, June 30) was at hand but was not welcome. So was William Mahoney, who organized the St. Paul Convention and was a member of the National Committee of the C. P. P. A. So was Jacob Coxey, known in 1894 as leader of Coxey's Army, claiming to be a representative of the Populist Party. As much as possible, these people were ruled out. No one wants less to be confounded with reds than do the pinks.

The day before the Convention assembled, the National Committee sent a telegram to Senator La Follette asking him to become a candidate. The same day Robert M. La Follette, Jr., left Washington for Cleveland as his father's courier. He carried with him his father's reply.

The Convention opened with the Hall, which accommodates 15,000 something better than half full. On the platform was a great American flag. Before it hung four portraitsWashington, Lincoln, Jefferson, LaFollette.

William H. Johnston, President of the International Association of Machinists, played a triple rôle: Chairman of the National Committee of the C. P. P. A., Temporary Chairman of the Convention, Permanent Chairman of the same. As the second of these, he delivered a keynote speech:

"The nation has witnessed the holding of a dull and lifeless convention of political puppets in this very Hall. It has also witnessed the antics of what seemed to be a disorderly mob meeting in New York City, but which responded to boss control quite obediently in its voting. In Cleveland, there was one boss. In New York, there were several. In Cleveland, there was the chill hand of approaching dissolution upon the party. In New York, the fever of class, religious and sectional hatreds burned in its veins.

"This conference is alive. It may have its moments of enthusiasm. I beg of you that it will always remain an orderly, deliberate assembly. I beg of you that enthusiasm shall not be perverted into silly demonstrations, wherein mature men behave like children and attempt to measure the strength of their convictions by their

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lung power or express the quality of their faith by the amount of noise they can produce. The older parties are going back to second childhood. Let us not imitate them. Let us have done with childish ways. . . .


"On Feb. 22, 1922, Washington's Birthday, this Conference first met in the city of Chicago and issued new declaration of independence in which we set forth our grievances and proclaimed our purpose to fight for our rights in the coming Congressional elections. The story of that campaign is now history. It resulted in the greatest defeat of reactionary Senators and Congressmen ever recorded. In place of these 'lame ducks,' we sent to Congress a splendid group of fighting Progressives, who have held the balance of power in the session which has just ended. They have broken through the barrier of the rules of the House of Representatives, slaughtered the Mellon tax plan and other reactionary legislation and forced the exposure through Congressional investigations of the most stupendous graft and corruption that the world has ever known. . .


"We have a leader, that life-long, faithful servant of the people, whose character, ability and record as a constructive statesman entitle him to take his place with the greatest men this nation has produced-with Washington, with Jefferson and with Lincoln. His name is already on your lips, his service is in your hearts, his vision is in your souls-Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin. . . .

"The great tidal wave of popular enthusiasm that swept out of office the reactionary Governments of England and France and now threatens to destroy Mussolini, the blackshirted Dictator of Italy, will carry Robert M. LaFollette into the Presidency of the United States."

When he had done, young women passed straw hats and collected $2,316.41 to support the campaign.

Other leaders made speeches, among them Senator Hendrik Shipstead, Farmer-Laborite of Minnesota, and Representative John M. Nelson, insurgent Republican from Wisconsin.

The great treat of the day, however, was the reading of Senator LaFollette's message. It was read by Bob, Jr., agressive, meticulous in dress, introduced as "a chip off the old block." He read:

"After long experience in public life and painstaking consideration of the present state of public affairs, I am convinced that the time has come for a militant political movement, in

dependent of the two old party organizations and responsive to the needs and sentiments of the common people.

"I should be unwilling to participate in any political campaign at this time which would imperil the steady advance of the Progressive movement or diminish the number of true Progressives, nominally elected as Republicans and Democrats, who are now serving the public in the House, the Senate and in many of the State Governments. The ground already won must not be abandoned.. An analysis of the platforms adopted by the two old parties will show that the real issues have been ignored and that the candidate of either party, if elected, will go into office with no specific pledges whatsoever binding him to the people, while he will be under the most immediate necessity and obligation of serving the party bosses and predatory interests to whom he owes his nomination and upon whom he must rely for election. . . .

"To break the combined power of the private monopoly system over the political and economic life of the American people is the one paramount issue of the 1924 campaign.

"The American people are honest, intelligent, patriotic, industrious and frugal. And yet, in a land of untold wealth, dedicated to the principles of equal opportunity for all, special privileges to none, life has become a desperate struggle for the average man and woman. The millions who work on the farms, in the mines, in transportation, in the factories and shops and stores, with all their industry and saving, find themselves poorer at the end of the year than at the beginning. . .

"The organized banking interests which own the railroads, control credit and dominate the industrial life of the nation, will further oppress labor, rob the consumer, and, by extortionate railroad rates and dictation of the terms of credit, reduce agriculture to the level of the European peasantry, if longer permitted to control this Government.

"The ill-gotten surplus capital acquired by exploiting the resources and the people of our country begets the imperialism which hunts down and exploits the natural resources and the people of foreign countries, erects huge armaments for the protection of its investments, breeds international strife in the markets of the world, and inevitably leads to


"The surest reliance against war is Democracy. . . .

"I have long held the opinion that

in the coöperative principle, as ap plied to both marketing and credit, lies the best hope for dealing effectively with monopoly. . . .

"We are unalterably opposed to any class government, whether it be the existing dictatorship of plutocracy of the dictatorship of the proletariat Both are essentially undemocratic and un-American. Both are destructive of private initiative and individual liberty. . . .

"Upon this issue I am ready to enlist with you to wage increasing warfare until the American people have been restored to the full enjoyment of their political and economic rights.

"I am under no illusion as to the magnitude of the task we have marked out for ourselves. This campaign will call for sacrifice, courage and unsparing activity from every man and woman engaged on the people's side. But so long as the Progressives keep faith with the people and remain steadfastly true to the principles which are at stake, we can face the vast financial resources and the special arguments of our opponents with full confidence of success.

Throughout the reading, there were frequent bursts of applause, spontaneous little demonstrations, lasting only a minute or two. At the end, the Convention came to its feet, cheering. Herman E. Wills, Assistant Head of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, mounted to the platform and moved that Mr. LaFollette be nominated by acclamation. The delegates roared their approval. This was contrary to the arranged program. The nomination was to be made at 4 p. m. the next day. Opportunely, Chairman Johnston was extricated from his embarrassment by a delegate who made a point of order against the motion.

The second day of the second Cleveland Convention was a continued love feast. To kill time before the "nomination" of Senator LaFollette a number of speakers were heard: the venerable poet, Edwin Markham, Andrew Furuseth (fighting leader of the International Seamen's Union), Lynn J. Frazier (non-Partisan Republican U. S. Senator from North Dakota) contributed to the entertainment.

The program submitted by Senator LaFollette was read by Donald A. Richberg, general counsel of the Railway Brotherhoods. Without a dissenting voice, without a word of discussion, the Convention adopted it.

Then on its own account it adopted resolutions favoring: 1) the passage of

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