« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »
Powers. I see no reason why they cannot be solved in London. France is concerned with a reparations settlement through operation of the Dawes Report and with the disarmament of Germany. The German attitude toward the Dawes Report is favorable, so there is no reason why it should not be applied immediately. The German note on disarmament has been favorably received and marks great progress. The question would now seem to be on the road to solution. A general inspection can be completed within two months.
"Germany has two desires: she wants to see the German territory, occupied beyond the stipulations of the Peace Treaty, returned to German control and complete amnesty for those deported or imprisoned as a result of the Ruhr struggle. Germany feels very strongly on the first point. M. Herriot is rapidly bringing about a solution of the second."
Berlin police requested permission from the Presidents of the Reichstag and the Prussian Landtag (Prussian Parliament) to search the rooms in the buildings that had been set aside for the use of Communist Deputies.
The police declared that they had in their possession 80 bundles of documents incriminating Communists and they informed the Presidents of the names of several Reds who were suspected of being concerned in murder plots.
Both Presidents waived the immunity of their members. Defending his action in the Prussian Landtag, President Leinert declared amid Communist jeers: "Immunity is always to be defended unless thereby the general welfare is jeopardized. But as I will not protect murderers, I permitted the police to make the search."
The police carried out their raids and discovered a quantity of percussion caps for hand grenades, ammunition for Mauser revolvers and the revolvers for the ammunition, besides many damning revolutionary docu
Dr. Severing, Prussian Minister of the Interior, said in the Landtag to the accompaniment of Communist hisses and other sibilant sounds: "The Communist acts hurt the workers most of all." "Bah!" yelled the Bolsheviks, "The workers are going to break your neck!"
PRESIDENT LEINERT "Bah!" yelled the Bolsheviks
Weathering a Storm
Storm clouds cannot last forever. Sooner or later, having discharged their thunder, they must disappear. The past week saw the beginning of the dissipation of the black Matteotti storm which has convulsed Italy with conflicting emotions for a month (TIME, June 23 et seq.).
Premier Benito rearranged his Cabinet and appointed 14 new Under Secretaries of State, most of whom belong to the Fascist Party. The shuffle suited the majority of the people, but the Opposition professed disappointment, declared that it preferred to see how the Government honors its pledge to rule constitutionally before participating in Parliamentary work.
Such an attitude on the part of the Opposition amounts to nothing more than a beau geste; for Benito had declared that he would not ask Parliament to reassemble before the Winter, by which time he undoubtedly hopes that the Opposition will have curbed its antagonism.
The situation, although hopeful, is for the time being grave. The Communists, who are perhaps unimportant, continue to bring scurrilous accusations in con
nection with the Matteotti murder against the Government and to incite the workers to armed revolt. The Opposition, on the other hand, realizes that it could not hold power even if it ousted Benito and is accordingly following a policy of obstruction, designed to prepare the way for its advent to power.
Much confidence can be placed in Benito's ability to maintain strict discipline in the Fascist ranks and in his determination to see justice done in the Matteotti case. It therefore appears likely that Benito's political life has some time to run.
Alvaro de Castro was one of the busiest of Portugal's busy men during the week.
Recently, he resigned the Premiership. More recently, he yielded to Presidential exhortations to become once again Premier. Still more recently, he has been trying to form a new Cabinet.
Despite these political worries, he found time to squabble with one Captain Fonseca. The squabble became bitter and ended in a challenge.
A duel to the death with swords ensued upon a nameless sward: Captain Fonseca was wounded in the arm.
Premier Alvaro de Castro gave up trying to form a Cabinet and tendered his resignation for the second time in ten days to President Manuel T. Gomes.
The President then called upon Sena
tor Rodriguez Gaspard to form a Cabinet. Rodriguez acquiesced:
Premier, Home Affairs: Rodriguez Gaspard. Justice: Catano Menezes.
Finance: Daniel Rodriguez.
War: General Vierira Da Rocha.
Commerce: Colonel Pires Monteiro.
Colonies: Bulhao Pato.
Education: Abranches Ferrao.
Agriculture: Viscount Pedralva.
Following faithfully Italian Fascism, Dictator Primo de Rivera, who seized power last Fall,* ousted the politicians and set up a military directorate to rule Spain with the mailed fist (TIME, Sept. 24), last week requested King Alfonso to sign a decree demilitarizing the Directorate, modifying the dictatorial powers of himself, making the Ministers once more responsible to the Crown.
Members of the Directorate were assigned new jobs; all took an oath of allegiance to the King. Primo, while remaining head of the Cabinet, became Minister of Cults and Justice.
The King also signed a decree granting amnesty to those sentenced on account of the Moroccan disaster of 1921, those convicted for political offenses and persons imprisoned for newspaper libel.
To London to visit her mother, the Princess Beatrice, went the Queen of Spain with her daughters the Infantas Beatriz and Cristina.
At Victoria Station Her Catholic Majesty was greeted by Queen Mary, other British princesses, and the Spanish Ambassador, H. E. Don Alfonzo Merry del Val, brother of Rafael Cardinal Merry del Val, Secretary of the Congregation of the Holy Office, Archpriest of the Vatican Basilica.
A story in circulation about the rise of Primo is contained in the following telephone conversation between Señor Niceto Alcala Zamora, Minister of War, in Madrid, and Primo, the Captain General of Barcelona, in Barcelona:
Zamora: "That you, Primo?"
Z.: "I hear there is a revolution down your way.
P: "You are very well informed, my dear Zamora."
Z.: "What are you doing to suppress it?" P.: "Nothing." Z.: mean?"
"Caramba! What the devil do you
P.: "Just this, I'm running the revolution." Z.: "Treason! Consider yourself under arrest." P.: "Thank you. I shall be in Madrid shortly, but I advise you to exile yourself before my arrival."
RAFAEL MERRY DEL VAL His brother greeted a Queen
Alexis Ivanovitch Rykov, who bears the titles of President of the Union Council of People's Commissaries and Chairman of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic Cabinet, asseverated that Russia's economic pulse was strong and steady, which, he claimed, was certain indication of Russia's ultimate recovery.
In a detailed speech before the International Communist Congress, sitting since last month in Moscow (TIME, June 30), the President-Chairman made the following points:
Present production total is now 45% of the pre-War figure-an increase from 15% in 1920; production of pig iron has increased from 7,000,000 pounds in 1921 to 35,000,000 in 1923-4; oil production leaves a large surplus for export; coal production is entirely satisfactory; stabilization of the ruble has tremendously improved the financial situation and Russia now has a foreign trade balance of 100,000,000 rubles ($11,500,000); unemployment is least satisfactory and figures quoted show substantial increases in each case; agricultural lands now cultivated are between 85 and 90% of the pre-War figure.
Said Alexis aristocratically: "If the terms suit us, we give concessions; if they don't, we don't. We now scruti
nize the suitability of the terms much
more severely than before. Our demands are higher."
Perhaps more than any man in Russia, Alexis Ivanovitch Rykov is the mainstay of the Bolshevik régime. When Lenin was alive, Rykov was always a great power. Lenin supplied the dynamic energy, the eloquence, the courage to say: "This thing must be done." Rykov, engineer and economist, wielded a static power, the patience and knowledge which enabled him to say: "This is the way it can be done."
Rykov's position in Russia approximates that of Calvin Coolidge in the U. S. He is to a large extent the Chief Executive of Soviet Russia. The fact that little is ever heard of him is merely a silent indication of his character. He works quietly, despises the methods and noise of the demagogue, is exceedingly simple and direct in all his movements. "He is the kind of man who, however violently one may disagree with him, does not stir personal animosity. He never ridicules, never denounces, never even flares up. He seems as incapable of deep hate as of deep love and is in turn neither loved nor hated as Trotzky is. . . . He never loses his head nor gets in a fit of panic, never fools himself by magnifying irritating details into devastating evils, nor by dismissing serious difficulties as trifles, like so many of his colleagues. Passion has no place in his thinking. Orthodox and insurgent will listen to him with respect and attention because he always has something of value to impart to both."
When Lenin was banished from Russia and became the leader of the Majority wing of the Social Democratic Labor Party (now known as the Bolsheviki), Rykov braved the dangers of Tsarist Russia by acting as his friend's counterpart and personal representative within the country, where he managed to avoid arrest for some time with consummate skill. In his capacity as Lenin's right-hand man and trusted advisor he was able to do much to bring on the Revolution by fostering the radical spirit of the Party which was then being persecuted by the Tsar's secret police. He was able to act as Lenin's liaison officer in Russia and to keep him accurately informed on the course of events.
When the 1917 Revolution broke out Rykov was in prison in Siberia. Released by general amnesty in that year, he returned to Moscow and was immediately elected to the Presidium of the Moscow Soviet, an opponent of the Kerensky régime.
When Kerensky was overthrown, Rykov and his time-proved friend
Lenin went on hand-in-hand, for better or for worse, in pursuit of the aims of Communism.
Both Houses met for the first time since the formation of the Kato Government (TIME, June 23).
Premier Takaaki Kato, in an address, expressed regret at the enactment of the U. S. Immigration Bill, promised that he would seek a new solution.
Outlining the policy of his Government, he promised electoral reform, anti-corruption measures, State economy; decided against raising loans; declared that the supplementary estimates passed by ex-Premier Kiyoura would be introduced with only a few alterations.
Much interest was evinced at the able speech made by Foreign Minister Baron Shidehara (onetime Ambassador Washington). After declaring that his foreign policy would be to promote and to protect Japanese interests "with due respect to those of other nations," and after affirming Japan's duty to be the maintenance of peace in the Far East and on the Pacific, he dwelt upon three points: exclusion, relations with Russia, relations with China. Excerpts:
U. S. Exclusion. "The genesis of the Immigration Act lies in the marked increase of immigration, especially from Southern and Eastern Europe.
"It is generally believed it would be a matter of practical difficulty to merge these foreign elements in a homogeneous country of original Americans.
"The new Act intended rigorous restrictions of immigration in general. There was no reason for embodying in this Act a provision designed specifically to exclude Japanese immigrants. Three points engage our attention:
"First, exclusionists say the Japanese are unassimilable with American life, and the introduction of such alien elements would prove a source of danger to the United States. This formed the essential plea for the exclusion of the Japanese. It was not on account of inferiority of the Japanese race that the exclusion clause was adopted.
"Secondly, it has always been consistently maintained by the United States that control of immigration is one of the essential attributes of the inherent sovereign rights of each nation. The importance placed on this point by the United States is due to
special conditions in that country.
"Thirdly, it should be appreciated that the President and the Secretary of State of the United States have, from the outset, shown opposition to the ex
His speech was able
clusion clause. Public opinion in the United States, reflected in a great section of the American press, appears sympathetically disposed toward Japan's position.
"Our protest against the exclusion clause is based on the conviction that discriminatory treatment, as laid down in that clause, is contrary to the dictates of justice and fairness, and is imposed upon us in disregard of the ordinary rules of international comity. Legislation is now an accomplished fact in the United States, but we can by no means concede the question closed.
"Until just contentions shall have been given satisfaction, we shall maintain our protest and shall use our best possible endeavors to seek an amicable adjustment of the question and ensure forever the traditional friendship between the two nations."
Russia. "Japan and Russia, being geographically contiguous and having important economic interests in common, are destined to come into close relationship with each other as good, friendly neighbors. . . . Recently, official negotiations were opened at Peking and we determined to make every possible effort to arrive at a satisfactory settlement, but we are not in a position to make a definite statement upon the
course we may hereafter take on the subject."
China. "The question of China is evidently of particular importance, and fullest understandings should be maintained between the two countries. It is much to be regretted that stabilization of political conditions in China has not yet been achieved. It should, however, be fully appreciated that it is a tremendous undertaking for China to carry out the work of reform in all branches of her Administration to suit modern requirements. . . .
"We are willing to render any coöperation China may require of us. We have no intention whatever of interfering in questions of internal politics. . . . It is our intention to promote economic rapprochement between the Chinese and Japanese peoples subject to the principles of equal opportunity in China. The Chinese people will realize our policy of fair and square dealing. Treaties relating to China were signed at the Washington Conference. They have not yet come into force, but the principles that they stipulated are in complete accord with our own, and we are resolved to abide by the spirit of these treaties."
General. "We shall not confine our attention to questions relating to the United States, Russia and China. Our efforts will be directed to maintain and to strengthen friendly relations with all nations having important territorial, economic interests in the Far East and on the whole Pacific, and generally to do our whole part in securing to the world the blessings of peace and stability."
At the conclusion of the speeches, the House of Peers passed a resolution expressing its approval of the Government's policy in regard to the U. S. Immigration Act.
The House of Representatives condemned the offending law by declaring that it blotted 70 years of friendship between the two countries, passed the following resolutions :
RESOLVED, that the House of Representatives expresses profound sentiment opposed to this discriminatory enactment; and be it further
RESOLVED, that the House requests the Imperial Government promptly to take all proper measures which the situation requires.
As a protest against the U. S. Immigration Act, the Japanese people staged a national demonstration.
In Tokyo, masses assembled to give ear to anti-American ardor. One of the largest meetings was held at the sacred Meiji shrine (religious symbol of modern Japan erected in memory of
July 14, 1924
the present era which began in 1867, when the terrible Shoguns who had for years been de facto sovereigns of Japan were ousted). "Hate" societies = plastered the city with placards which read:
"Japanese must never forget July 1, when America inflicted an intolerable insult on Japan. Always remember that date. Prepare for such steps as are demanded by the Honor of the Fatherland when the occasion comes. Every Japanese must remember the following rules:
"1) Alter your mode of living so as to impress the date lastingly upon your mind.
"2) Hate everything American, but remain kind to American individuals.
"3) Deny yourself all luxury.
"4) Never forget national Honor for private gain.
"5) Never enter a church supported or guided by Americans
The day was that upon which the U. S. Immigration Act went into force. In the U. S. Embassy Compound in Tokyo, the Stars and Stripes flew proudly from a tall mast. A Japanese, watched by an unsuspecting Tokyo "bobbie," hauled the flag down, cut it from the halyards with a razor, crumpled it up, fled. The "bobbie" suddenly came to, realized the gravity of the man's action, made off after him -but in vain; his quarry escaped him. Jefferson Caffery, U. S. Chargé d'Affaires, called upon Foreign Minister Baron Shidehara (onetime Ambassador to the U. S.) and asked him to make immediate investigation. Twice did the Foreign Minister call upon Mr. Caffery in order to express his concern over the incident and to offer the "most sincere regrets" of his Government. "Surely," said he, "no one in the U. S. would believe the Japanese people capable of sympathizing with an outrage of this kind." He also said that the police would do their utmost to apprehend the culprit-which they later succeeded in doing.
The U. S. State Department in Washington, inclining toward the Latin maxim: Ira furor brevis est, discounted from the first the significance of the incident, feeling certain that it was but the act of an irresponsible.
Alleging advanced age and illness as an excuse for no longer being able to face the problems which confront the Chinese Government, Premier Sun Paochi tendered his resignation and those of his Ministers to President Tsao-Kun.
President Tsao-Kun chose Dr. Wu Yen, a former Minister of Agriculture, for the post of Premier and submitted his name to Parliament for approval. No other Cabinet changes were forecast.
Pan American Railroad
The plan for a Pan-American railroad is not new. Yet the appointment of a committee composed of representatives of South, Central and North American countries, at their joint meetings held in the PanAmerican Union Building in Washington, have lent renewed interest to a project often dreamed of.
The desire is to provide through railroad facilities from Manhattan to Buenos Aires-a distance of about 10,000 miles. About 7,000 miles of the route is already built, including the line from Manhattan to Guatemala. Most of the existing gaps which must be filled to complete the route lie in the northern countries of South America - Colombia, Ecuador, Peru. The representatives of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and the U. S. are the moving spirits in the enterprise, and their aim will be to urge the various nations, in whose territory sections of the proposed line are now lacking, to go ahead with the necessary construction.
Election Day in Mexico was dull. Excitement had been forecast: bombs, blood, blasphemy were expected. Nothing happened. A few naughty Mexicans played with their fists, but failed to shed a drop of gore. One or two reckless citizens made off with the odd ballot box, but that was all. Nevertheless, the police and soldiers in Mexico City rushed about in armored cars, waving swords and pistols, brandishing quick-firing guns, twirling their mustachios.
First returns indicated that General Plutarco Elias Calles had won his expected victory over his rival, General Angel Flores. Little interest was
shown by the electorate and the voting was light.
From Mexico City it was announced that President-Elect General Plutarco Elias Calles will visit Europe during the interim before he assumes his presidential duties.
The President-Elect will visit England, France and Germany to study social problems.
President Alvaro Obregon of Mexico announced the temporary suspension of Mexico's debt agreement with the International Committee of Bankers, headed by Thomas W. Lamont. He also made public the fact that U. S. bankers had refused a new loan.
In stating his reasons for failing to pay interest due on June 30 and for suspending the entire agreement, the President accused ex-Finance Minister Adolfo de la Huerta, recent rebel leader, of misrepresenting to him the attitude of American bankers regarding the loan, stated that U. S. oil men had employed obstructive tactics when a relief loan was sought; there was, therefore, nothing left for him to do except suspend the agreement.
A revolution broke out in Sao Paulo, Capital of the State of Sao Paulo, Brazil.
The Sao Paulo State Government and the Federal Government in Rio de Janeiro, Capital of Brazil, combined to crush the revolt. Troops and warships were sent against the rebels.
In the State of Sao Paulo, the revolt was said to be spreading and assuming serious proportions. All this was most uncertain, however, for the rebels had cut the telegraph and telephone wires, had halted the railway services, had generally made themselves unsociable.
In Rio, a strict censorship was imposed and it was rumored that martial law had been declared for all Brazil.
Why did the revolution break out? That question baffled the most astute of foreign correspondents.
Houghton Mifflin-Two volumes ($5.00 each). These two books are part of the world history now being written by eminent experts, prepared by Major General Lord Edward Gleichen, edited by John Buchan.
Book I of Britain's history contains a short chapter on "an outline of British History to 1914"; the remainder is devoted to a study of the War and of conditions in the circum-bellum periods.
Book II deals with the Government of the United Kingdom, defense, economics, finance, the Labor movement, the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man.
The first volume is little more than a history of British conduct of the War, and it is difficult to condone the extremely sketchy piece of writing which covers more than a thousand years of history. The account of the War is ably presented and is interesting from first to last.
It is in the second volume, however, that praise is really merited. Within its 261 pages lies a wealth of enlightening information concerning present conditions in Britain. The chapter entitled The Story of British Economic Development and that on the Labor Movement are brilliant pieces of analysis forming a reliable and vivid background to the understanding of the economic and political problems with which contemporary Britons are struggling.
BLACK MAGIC-Kenneth L. RobertsBobbs-Merrill ($3.00).
Black Magic is the story of Italy before and during the reign of Fascismo. It is a tale of the achievements of the black-shirted Italian legions who saved their country from Bolshevism, not of the occult and nigrescent rite of invoking devils.
It is also a story of the Bavarian Fascisti (Beer-Fascisti, as Mr. Roberts calls them) followed by two chapters of pertinent and impertinent reflections on American politics.
Mr. Roberts is a Bolshevikophobe. That is to say, he hates Bolshevism, which is not surprising. He likes the clean-cut, anti-bureaucratic efficiency of Fascismo. The prejudices are based not upon concrete reasoning but upon temperamental predilections. The sober, nude, crude truth is that a partisan book cannot maintain itself on nebulous foundations of sentiment. Because the author has tried to do this, his book has fallen short of being first-class.
*For the best study of the War read John Buchan's History of the Great War, four volumes, $20.00 for the set. Houghton Mifflin,
The Juilliard Foundation has always been generous. For a number of years it has granted foreign fellowships to advanced students of Music who have shown decided promise. The Juilliard fellows journeyed gaily to Paris, Rome, Berlin, Vienna, inhaled the artistic atmosphere, drenched themselves in strong aesthetic traditions, acquired a priceless joie de vivre. Also, there was champagne, liqueurs and sometimes instruction at the feet of a foreign Maestro.
But this is to be changed in October. Certain objections have been lodged at the Juilliard headquarters. There have been rumors of skylarking, of the "waving of wild legs" in naughty European centres, of an inadequately intense devotion to purely artistic education. The Foundation has therefore decided to mingle stern wisdom with its generosity in the future. American control, on the spot, is to be substituted for American beneficiaries' sippings of la vie de Bohème.
All this is indicated in the release of an important statement by Dr. Eugene A. Noble, Juilliard Secretary. According to his pronunciamento, fellowships will be offered as usual (100 of them) to those graduates of music schools and of the music departments of colleges and universities, who give the greatest evidence of brilliance in competitive examinations to be held in October. But “no beneficiaries will be granted money to study abroad under this plan." Instead, the Foundation will employ teachers, operate its own studios and give daily direction to its fellowship-holders.
Dr. Noble himself will keep check on their daily work and progress. Students who are at present sojourning in Europe have already been notified that the support they now enjoy from the Foundation is to be withdrawn. Their holiday is over.
In order to make this plan workable, the Foundation has acquired a large stone-front building on East 52nd St., Manhattan, between fashionable Madison Ave. and exclusive Park Ave. Advanced musical education-supervised— is to be the slogan of the organization. It aims to be, in time, a novel variety of National conservatory of music: one which gives no stated courses and grants no degrees, but one in which those who really deserve advanced instruction in composition, voice-culture, wind-instrument and piano playing will be given the benefit of a rigorous Winter's training. Instructors and students alike will be constantly under observation, no matter how renowned the former or how gifted the latter.
Leo Fall, composer of The Dollar Princess, has enshrined Mme. Pompa dour in a light opera. It journeys from a successful London run to Manhattan in October. Martin Beck has acquired the rights. Charles Dillingham will be in charge of the production, with which he will open the new West Side Theatre. Maggie Teyte, it has beer. announced, will sing the leading role.
The world of singers is finding as many "new Adelina Pattis" as world of the pianoforte has discovered "Liszt pupils." Galli-Curci and Tetrazzini are shortly to be supplanted by a whole series of wearers of the great diva's mantle. They are announced from Italy, England, Russia.
No sooner was the boom for Toti dal Monte started, and her American triumph staged for this Winter, than news sifted through the fog of London that Dusolina Gianinni had already staked out an undisputable claim as legitimate successor to Patti. Still more recently there drifts over from Moscow, via the Wolfsohn Musical Bureau, the report that Maria Kurenko, ex-criminal-law-student, will put all comers out of the running when she arrives in the U. S. in November. She has paved her way with reports of unbridled enthusiasms evoked by her appearances in Kharkoff, Moscow, Riga, Helsingfors, Paris. Her birthplace is Tomsk, Siberia.
Every year a committee, consisting of a churchman (Bishop John Hurst), a writer (Dorothy Canfield Fisher), a politician Theodore Roosevelt), a financier (James H. Dillard), an educator (John Hope, President of Morehouse College), and an editor (W. E. DuBois of The Crisis), awards a prize to "an American of African descent who has performed the highest achievement in some form of human endeavor." This prize is known as the Spingarn medal.
There is no musician on the committee of award. Nevertheless this year's recipient of the decoration is a musician. He is Roland Hayes, Negro singer (TIME, Oct. 8), who has already garnered an amazing harvest of similar trinkets from foreign royal and notable personages and societies. His passionate rendition of his people's deeply felt "spirituals" has endeared him to Boston and Philadelphia symphony subscribers as well as to titled connoisseurs. He is now on concert tour in Europe.