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Campaign Notes

National Affairs-[Continued]

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Mrs. Douglas Robinson, sister of President Roosevelt and devoted brother-worshiper, exclaimed in a political speech (in favor of "my nephew," Teddy Jr.) in Manhattan:

"My brother said of La Follette in 1915 that he was a sinister influence working against Democracy and in 1912 he worked tooth and nail against the Progressive Party. He has not asked for the support of the Radicals today, but they are following him; and, for contrast, I wonder whether you think Theodore Roosevelt would have allowed any unsolicited followers to wave the red flag over his head?"

The LaFollette publicity department told a good story to this effect: In the Capital, a Democratic rally was staged. A labor leader was invited to speak. He was expected, of course, to praise Davis. Instead he began: "I myself am a LaFollette man and I don't care who knows it." Promptly the amplifiers on the rostrum were turned off, and of the large crowd only a few in the front row could hear.

Whether the story is true or pub- ! licity, it suggests great possibilities for the use of the invention. By it, the alert campaign manager can not

only shut off such unexpected attacks, but can silence any unpremeditated indiscretions of his own candidate.

Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes marched into Indianapolis on the heels of Candidate Davis, stepped to the lectern of Cadle Tabernacle, discoursed in part as follows:

Third Party. "When Senator LaFollette talks of what he will do when he is elected President, he may manage to keep a straight face, but he cherishes no such hope. . . . The campaign of Senator LaFollette is not to elect himself but to control the election and elect Mr. Bryan. . . . Was there ever a more miserable pretense than this talk of restoring the government to the people? . . . It is Coolidge or Bryan. It is Coolidge or no election."

Davis and Bryan. "The first and most significant act of the Democratic candidate for President was to select Mr. Bryan as his running mate. It was an act which shook the confidence of the country in Mr. Davis as a political leader. . . . If, for the sake of political expediency, the Democratic candidate for President was willing to put this country at the risk of having Mr. Bryan as its President, where would he stop?..."

Answering Mr. Davis' declaration that there had been more bank and business failures in the last three years than in the three years prior to 1921, said Mr. Hughes: "Extraordinary statements. . . . The serious conditions which arose in 1920 and 1921 were due to the unwise financing of the Democratic Administration. . . . They tried to hold us responsible for the deébris."

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THE CABINET Leave Season

Secretary Hughes has been kept busy giving charges and conferring with his Ambassadors and Ministers, a great many of whom are now on leave in this country.

¶ Edgar A. Bancroft, newly appointed Ambassador to Japan, recently left Washington after having received his parting instructions.

James R. Sheffield, new Ambassador to Mexico, was in the Capital for the same purpose a day or two after Mr. Bancroft.

Myron T. Herrick, Ambassador to France, went to Washington for final conferences before returning to his post in Paris.

Alanson B. Houghton, Ambassador to Germany, dropped in at the State Department while on leave.

Henry P. Fletcher, Ambassador to Italy, recently arrived on two months' leave.

Albert H. Washburn, Minister to Austria, is also back.

Peter A. Jay, Minister to Roumania, has been holding conferences at the State Department.

John D. Prince, Minister to Denmark, has been at home on leave.

Arthur H. Geissler, Minister to Guatemala, is here and, incidentally, has been entertaining the Señoritas Concha and Leonor Orellana, daughters of the

*Term expires Mar. 4, 1927. The seat was made vacant by the death of Senator Nicholson. Senator Adams, who occupies the seat temporarily by appointment of the Gov ernor, is contesting with Senator Phipps for the long term.

Farmer Labor Candidate, Magnus Johnson, holds the seat at present.

Contest is for both the short term expiring Mar. 4 next (vacant by death of Senator Colt) and for the regular six-year term be ginning when the short term expires.

National Affairs-[Continued]

President of Guatemala.

[ Robert W. Bliss, Minister to Sweden, s spending two more months' leave at Washington.

Fred M. Dearing, Minister to Porugal, is at home in the Capital.

Jacob G. Schurman, Minister to China, is on his way home.

In Panama

In Washington, Secretary of War Weeks announced that Colonel Jay J. Morrow, Governor of the Panama Canal Zone, had resigned his post in order to engage in private practice as an engineer. In accordance with established policy, President Coolidge appointed as Colonel Morrow's successor Colonel M. L. Walker, the Canal Engineer of Maintenance. Ever since Major General George W. Goethals, the Canal builder, retired in 1916 as the first Governor of the Canal Zone, it has been the custom to follow each retirement by appointing to the Governorship the Engineer of Maintenance, who is an assistant to the Governor and conversant with Canal affairs. In this manner Brigadier General Chester Harding succeeded General Goethals; Colonel Morrow succeeded General Harding; and now Colonel Walker succeeds Colonel Morrow-continuing an unbroken line of experienced administrators.

SOLDIER BONUS Tardy

It is scarcely credible, after the great to-do which was made to pass the soldier bonus through the Congress at its last session, that ex-soldiers are now slow in applying for their boni. To be sure, no insurance certificates will be issued until Jan. 1; and no cash payments made until Mar. 1. Nonetheless, with 4,500,000 veterans theoretically standing in line, it would seem that each would be anxious to have his application early on the list.

Last week, Major General Robert C. Davis, in charge of the work of the War Department in receiving and checking bonus applications, announced that so far only 1,300,000 veterans out of 4,500,000-less than one-third-have applied.

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and elected 170 members of the Nation's House of Representatives. These are distributed among the various parties as follows: Democrats, 105; Republicans, 63; Farmer-Labor, 1; Independent, 1; total, 170-an increase of 120 Congressmen in one election. The reëlection of these 170 and the election of 80 more Congressmen representing the people will bring the people a safe working majority of 250 out of a total of 435 members.

"The election of 50 such Congressmen (less than half the increase of the last election) would give the people a bare majority.

"Not one measure opposed by Labor was enacted into law by the present Congress. Among the most reactionary of those defeated proposals were the schemes of Secretary Mellon and President Coolidge and the consolidated interests to untax the rich and tax the poor. Among other vicious proposals were the sales tax, efforts to hush scandals that have been partly uncovered in Government

departments, the veto of the postal employes' wage bill and the veto of the soldiers' adjusted compensation.

"Eleven measures that were approved by the American Federation of Labor and in favor of which representatives of the American Federation of Labor appeared were passed by both Houses and enacted into law."

POLITICAL NOTES The Dead Crusader

Mrs. Woodrow Wilson Wilson approved last week the plans of a marble sarcophagus in which the remains of the President are to lie.

At present, Woodrow Wilson's body lies beneath a six-inch slab of concrete and a three-inch slab of marble in one of eight catacombs in the crypt beneath Bethlehem Chapel of the unfinished Washington Cathedral.

For some time, Mrs. Wilson has been consulting with Cram & Ferguson, architects of the Cathedral, on the design of the sarcophagus. Recently, on a motor trip through New England with her brother, she called on the architects at their Boston office and accepted the final plans -a very simple marble tomb with a crusader's sword lying in relief upon its cover.

The sarcophagus is now under construction in Boston. When completed, it will be taken to Washington and erected in Bethlehem Chapel. It is expected that the President's body will be moved to its new resting place in about a month.

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REPARATIONS

In Effect

When the White Star liner Homeric steamed out of New York harbor, there were on board Seymour Parker Gilbert and wife. Mr. Gilbert was en route to relieve Owen D. Young of the arduous duties of Agent General of Reparations (TIME, Sept. 15)..

About the same time, a small group of men assembled in the Governor's rooms of the Bank of England and Chief signed an important contract. among the men present were the Rt. Hon. Montagu Collet Norman, Governor of the Bank of England; J. P. Morgan, representing U. S. underwriters; Dr. Schacht, President of the Reichsbank, and Dr. Hans Luther, German Minister of Finance, representing their Fatherland.

The contract was for the 800,000,000 gold marks ($200,000,000) loan to be advanced to Germany by the world under provisions of the Experts' Plan (TIME, Apr. 21). The U. S. will take $110,000,000; Great Britain £12,000,000 ($54,000,000; the remaining quarter will be divided among France, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Sweden, Italy.

The bonds mature in 25 years, are issued at 92 and bear interest at 7%. The total yield over the period is about 734%.

After the Bank of England meeting, J. P. Morgan made a few points:

"The essential coöperation of Continental markets has been assured; and confidence is expressed as to the sucIcess of the issue. The contract under which the loan of 800,000,000 gold marks is to be issued for the German Government, as provided under the Plan, was signed this afternoon.

The contract for the issue becomes effective upon receipt of official notification from the Reparations Commission that it has completed its action subordinating present reparations claims against Germany to the lien of this loan and that it has taken the necessary action for putting the Dawes Plan completely into effect."

The Reparations Commission met later, announced that all the guarantees for floating the loan had been secured, that the Experts' Plan was legally in effect.

COMMONWEALTH

(British Commonwealth of Nations)

Dissolved

Great Britain entered the throes of the third general election in two years.

Sedition. Last August it was

Wide World

MONTAGU C. NORMAN He signed for England (See Reparations)

brought to the attention of Sir Patrick Hastings, Attorney General,* that the Workers' Weekly, Communist journal, had printed a seditious article (TIME, Oct. 13), the headlines of which ran:

SOLDIERS, SAILORS, AIRMEN! WILL YOU KILL YOUR MATES? REMEMBER-YOU ARE WORKERS! THE BOSSES ARE YOUR ENEMIES.

DON'T SHOOT SINKERS! THEY ARE WORKERS LIKE YOU. THEY ARE FIGHTING FOR A DECENT LIVING FOR THEMSELVES AND THEIR WOMEN AND KIDS. IF THE PROFITEERING CAPITALISTS, THROUGH THEIR AGENTS-YOUR OFFICERS -TELL YOU TO MURDER BRITISH WORKERS-DON'T SHOOT.

Prosecution. Sir Patrick frowned beneath his wig. His strong features hardened as he came to a decision: The article was sedition and under a law passed during the reign of George III the editor must be prosecuted.

Discharge. J. Ross Campbell, American-born, was acting editor and

*In Britain, the duties of the Attorney General's office are not unlike those of the corresponding office in the U. S. The Attorney General represents the Crown (meaning Government in its widest sense) in all legal questions, advises the government dpartments when called upon. In addition, he has wide control in matters relating to criminal prosecutions, etc.

Sir Patrick Hastings, present incumbent of the office, receives a salary of £7,000 plus fees which usually amount to anywhere from £10,000 to £25,000. He is 44 years of age, started adult life as a mining engineer. When the South African War broke out, he joined up and served until 1901. Home again, he devoted himself to journalism, studied law at the Middle Temple, was called to the Bar in 1904. In 1919 he took silk-i. e., became a King's Counsellor.

upon a fine August morning he appeared at the Bow Street Police Court to answer to the charge of inciting His Majesty's forces to mutiny. The Public Prosecutor, acting upon instructions from Attorney-General Sir Patrick, sent his representative to say that the article was after all only a criticism of a State for using armed force to quell industrial disputes. The Magistrate declared tha: there was no evidence to hold Campbeli and accordingly discharged him.

Attack. There the matter might have ended but for an article in the Workers' Weekly:

"The Political Bureau of the Communist Party desires to make it clear that no effort was made by Comrade Campbell to provide a defense. Arrangements had been made to ask for an adjournment in order that Mr. MacDonald, the Prime Minister, Mr. Henderson, Mr. Clynes and several others would be subpoenaed as witnesses for the defense. . . . We wish to state that the withdrawal of the charge was made on the sole responsibility of the Labor Government.

"The Communist Party claims that the withdrawal of the charge is a victory for the workers, but at the same time one that will arouse the vicious hostility of the reactionary elements within and without the Labor movement."

This subtle attack was backed with blunt words. The Communist journal declared that the Labor Government, "for the first time since taking office, had been compelled to act as a Labor Government should," that "it had definitely responded to the Labor movement as a whole."

Politics. A cry went up from the Conservatives and Liberals. In the words of The Times of London, the Government's withdrawal of the charges against Campbell was "an act of unwarrantable interference on the part of the executive with the course of justice."

Defense. Questions were asked in Parliament. Sir Patrick Hastings, tall and slender, his jet black hair giving him an almost youthful appearance. took his place in the front bench to "give the House every available detail of the Campbell case." He read from a voluminous mass of briefs, stated that he had found that Campbell had a good War record, had been wounded, and was engaged only as acting-editor of the Workers' Weekly. "What sort of a figure would I cut," he demanded, "in prosecuting for sedition as a dangerous Communist a man who could hardly hobble into the dock?" Then in his peroration he asked: "What have I done wrong? I will answer any ques

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Foreign News-[Continued]

tion put by any member of the House." But the fears of the Opposition were not calmed. Conservatives gave notice of a motion of censure on the Government. The Liberals offered an amendment to the Conservative motion calling for a Parliamentary inquiry.

Premier. Before the Premier had stepped into the House of Commons, a general election was almost certain. At Queen's Hall he had declared: “We will surrender nothing of the rights of Government. If there is to be an election, the responsibility is not ours."

Defeat. After a whole day of debate, which T. P. O'Connor, "Father of the House," characterized as "a miserable tempest in the tiniest little teapot that was ever introduced into political life," a vote was taken for decision on which motion-Conservative motion of censure or Liberal amendment motiona vote should be taken. By 359 to 198 the House decided to vote on the Liberal suggestion that Parliamentary inquiry be held. The vote on this measure resulted in the defeat of the Labor Ministry by 364 to 198 votes-only twelve Liberals voted with the Laborites.

Critics. It had not been expected that the Labor Ministry would fall on the legal issues arising from the suspended prosecution of James Ross Campbell. Political observers felt that their fate was to be sealed at the conclusion of the debate on the AngloRussian Treaty, scheduled for November. After the vote, they swore by all their gods that the Government had virtually fallen on the Russian issue and that the trivial issue of the dropped sedition charge had been seized upon because it was favorable to Liberal and Conservative election interests.

Palace. Dressed in frock coat and top hat, Premier Ramsay Mac Donald called upon King George at Buckingham Palace, conversed with him for a whole hour, departed, and later announced to the House of Commons that the King had granted his request for a dissolution.

Royal Power. When a ministry is defeated, the Prime Minister* must either resign with his Cabinet or request the King to dissolve Parliament. In the first case, he and his ministers deliver up the seals of office-emblems of their authority without which they cannot transact the business of the King's Government. It is usual for the out

*The Premiership is not an office and the holder has no legal power over his fellow members. Until 1905 the position was unrecognized, but in December of that year King Edward VII signed a royal warrant granting Premiers of Britain precedence next after the Archbishop of York, or twelfth in the table of precedency.

going Premier to advise His Majesty on the choice of a successor.

Legally the King can refuse to accept Cabinet resignations. He can instead command the Premier to form a new Cabinet. He can disregard the advice of a retiring Premier and can charge a man of his own choice to form a new Cabinet. Likewise he can refuse to dissolve Parliament. In the legal sense, the conception of Blackstone, famed 18th Century jurist, is still true: the king is the fountain of honor, of office and of privilege.

The refusal of the King, for example, to accept the resignation of a Ministry defeated in Parliament would have serious effect, but Parliament could not legally force the Cabinet to retire. It would be powerless to legislate, for the King's consent is necessary to each Parliamentary bill before it can become law. All it could do, short of causing a revolution, would be to refuse to vote supplies, thereby depriving the Government of money with which to conduct its business; or to decline to pass any measures framed by the Government, thereby deadlocking the legislature.

Alongside the laws which govern the King's powers (chiefly those of the settlement of 1689-Declaration of Rights) are extra-legal rules cemented by precedence and the disuse of the King's prerogative, or what Maitland called "constitutional morality." This means that the King, in order to prevent a clash of laws or arouse public opinion against him, is compelled to do what his predecessors have done. He therefore usually accepts the advice of his ministers, dissolves Parliament when requested, gives his assent to laws.* But it remains an incontrovertible fact that he is legally within his right to undertake an independent action.

Prorogation. After the Premier had informed the House of Commons that Parliament was to be dissolved, the King's speech proroguing† Parliament was read.

Dissolution. At a meeting of the Privy Council, presided over by the King, the royal proclamation dissolving Parliament was signed, sealed and delivered. The fifth Parliament of King George V and the second Parlia

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ment of Great Britain and Northern Ireland was at an end.

Election. Premier MacDonald announced that the general election would take place on Oct. 29. In the Lords, Lord Buckmaster asked with amazement: "What is the explanation of this extraordinary haste?"

The Lord High Chancellor replied: "We are assured that it is the desire of the commercial community and the general community to get rid of the election as fast as possible."

But the real reason was that the three great political parties have been preparing for an election for months and were, as subsequently proved, ready to start the campaign within a day's notice.

Onus. Who was responsible for calling an election that is generally unpopular with the public? The Laborites declared that it was the Liberals, who, by joining the Conservatives, had deliberately turned them out of office on a trivial issue. The Liberals contend that the Labor Government was to blame, because it refused to "face an impartial inquiry into the circumstances which led to the withdrawal of the prosecution" against Editor Campbell. The Conservatives most heartily concurred with the Liberal contention. The Times of London said:

"Mr. MacDonald is quite sensible that the dissolution which he has obtained is sure to be highly unpopular. He did not court it, he did not want it. . ..

"But he forgets that up to the very latest moment before the division he had in his own hands the power to avert the necessity of an election at all. Mr. Asquith almost invited him to make understood that if only the Prime Minister would consent to an impartial investigation of any kind, as members of his own party and, it is understood, colleagues in his Cabinet desired him to do, the Liberals would have smoothed his path.

"But Mr. MacDonald was adamant. He would not hold out the least hope of an examination into circumstances which, in the face of that, would throw an imputation of the gravest character upon his Administration. He has assigned no tenable or plausible grounds for this attitude."

Cabinet. Until the sixth Parliament of King George is opened next January, the Cabinet of Mr. Ramsay MacDonald will continue to govern the country. If Labor wins the election, which is hardly likely, the Cabinet will probably carry on. If the Labor Party

Foreign News-[Continued]

is defeated, the Cabinet can do two things: 1) stay in power and meet its fate in the new Parliament upon a vote of no confidence; 2) resign at any time after the elections.

Campaign. The campaign, which promised to be bitter, started within 24 hours after the proclamation of dissolution had been promulgated. What were the issues upon which the three Great Parties were to base their campaigns? Broadly summarized: Socialism.

The general feeling in Britain is that the Labor Government had set a proud record in foreign politics with the single exception of the Anglo-Russian treaty. In domestic affairs, it had failed utterly to carry out its last election promise to alleviate unemployment. Hence, with no basis for attack on foreign policy, the election campaign promised to be fought over purely social issues.

Labor. The Labor Party, led by MacDonald, Snowden, Thomas, Wheatley, Clynes, etc., goes to the country on its nine months' record in office plus a program of which the following are the chief points:

1) Bulk purchase and distribution at standard prices by the Government of principal commodities

2) Nationalization of the mines

3) Nationalization of power production 4) Continuance of the tax on land values 5) Acceleration of public works to provide employment

Liberal. The Liberal Party, whose leaders are Asquith, Lloyd George, Masterman and Sir John Simon, stress the risk which the tax-payers might be subjected to by the imprudence of the Labor Government's proposal to guarantee Russia a loan.

The main planks in the Liberal platform embrace temperance reform, industrial peace and questions dealing with education, housing and unemployment. Free trade is mentioned to remind the electorate that the last election was fought over a protective issue. Great stress is placed on Lloyd George's "coal scheme":

"The Liberal policy is to make coal the great national asset by empowering the State to acquire all mineral rights and to provide State assistance and direction in the building of super-power stations.

"By levy on the purchase price at which the mining royalties are taken over by the State, fund will be provided for rebuilding and bettering the mining villages."

Conservative. The lone star upon the Conservative Party's horizon is exCabinet Minister Winston Spencer Churchill, who is now a full-fledged Conservative. It was said that never before has the Party been so short of able leaders. Ex-Premier Stanley Bald

win is, however, the de jure leader of the Party, although the signs and portent were that "Winnie" was fast becoming the de facto leader.

Mr. Churchill's policy, now also that of the Conservative Party, was summed up by him in a recent and characteristic speech:

"The foundation of our Constitution was the good sense of the majority of the nation. The three-party system implied that we should never have majority rule. The idea that three parties should be firing at each other in a triangular duel, and that Government could thus effectively be carried on, was founded on a hopeless fallacy. We must escape from that system and reëstablish in its place some broad, solid and substantial foundation by which the King's Government can be carried on, not for a session, but for a full Parliament. . . ."

Previously he had said that those who were not with Socialism were against it. His was an invitation to the Liberal Party to coalesce with Conservatism against Socialism, which he thought would ruin the country and destroy the greatness of the Commonwealth.

The main planks of the Conservative Party as contained in its election manifesto:

Anglo-Russian Treaty: Round condemnation: "Under that treaty, the rightful claims of British subjects are whittled down to an undefined extent, and Parliament is to be asked to commit itself in the eyes of Russia and of the world to the principle of guaranteeing that the British tax-payer shall repay the Bolshevist loan if the Bolsheviki, in accordance with their practice, should fail to repay that loan."

Foreign Policy: "Coöperation in all matters admitting of common action with the United States for the support and strengthening of the League of Nations on practical lines."

Defense: Careful scrutiny "in conjunction with the Dominions, the farreaching commitments and implications of the scheme recently put forward at Geneva."

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Having visited his ranch in Alberta and disported himself over the face of Canada, Lord Renfrew (Prince of Wales) returned to the U. S. after an absence of only a few weeks.

Ten thousand people of Duluth stood in drizzling rain for hours waiting the arrival of the young Baron en route from Winnipeg to Chicago. As the train steamed in, pipers played in his honor, many youngsters waved the Union Jack. Renfrew told Mayor Snively: "I am delighted with the reception I am receiving everywhere in the United States, and especially with this tremendous crowd that waited out in the rain."

In Chicago, the Baron was rau cously acclaimed. Louis F. Swift meat man, whose guest he was, introduced the British Heir Apparent to the capital of the Middle West. Chicago proceeded to show him the town, with emphasis on the Stock Yards and the Saddle and Cycle Club.

Long after midnight the wheels of the train had taken the world's most popular man away and were rolling him toward Detroit, where for one whole day he was the guest of Henry Ford.

¶ Renfrew was then scheduled to return to Canada, visit Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal, return direct to Manhattan, sail on the Olympic Oct. 25.

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