M

Y TASTES are simple. I want only the best." . . In every country, in every state and city, there are men and women whose cultivated

THE Rolls-Royce makes little or no appeal to vanity or sentiment, to crude or untrained tastes, to bargain hunters or wasters.

But it is, now as always, the one car in the world for those who are able to discern and appreciate true quality. And who realize the worth of the simple, inflexible rule that governs the Rolls-Royce works from the president to the newest apprentice. A rule that has been directly responsible for its world-wide successbuild the best car in the world.

You will find Rolls-Royces in Montana on mountain roads meant for pack-horses. You will find them swinging across the Southwest under a sun that sets the landscape dancing. You will find them ploughing through the snowdrifts in the high Sierras or flying to Florida for the opening of the season. And no matter where you find them, or how severe the conditions, they are certain to be functioning as perfectly as though they had just dropped down from the Plaza to the Metropolitan Opera. Occupants and drivers will be safe, untroubled, comfortable. And the owner will tell you, as Rolls-Royce owners can and do, some facts about mileage, repairs and length of service that will impress the most hardened motorist. For the best is always the cheapest in the end. And no Rolls-Royce has ever yet worn

Vol. IV. No. 17

The Weekly News-Magazine

NATIONAL

THE PRESIDENCY
Mr. Coolidge's Week

Callers at the White House, the usual wide variety, came and went.

Came a delegation of alien-born U. S. citizens, 40-odd strong, and the President read to them: "It is not very long, as History views matters, since all of us were alien to this soil. I suppose that if Methuselah should drop in on our little party, he would regard us all as upstarts."

Came Secretary of the Navy Wilbur escorting Dr. Hugo Eckener and other ranking members of the crew of the ZR-3. The President hoped they had had a pleasant trip, recalled a telegram he had sent Dr. Eckener at Lakehurst, N. J., in which he had said: "I congratulate you

hope that your stay in the United States will be enjoyable and that the notable services you have rendered in bringing over this airship will be a matter of satisfaction and pride to you throughout your life."

Some Coolidge letters of the week: to National Commander Frank J. Irwin of "Forget-me-not Day" (Nov. 8), endorsing that movement's remembrance of and aid for, disabled U. S. soldiers; to Harry C. Meek, of the Uptown Lions' Club of Chicago, endorsing the observance of the third Sunday in October as Father's Day, an idea Mr. Meek originated four years ago; to Henry Ford, acknowledging Mr. Ford's withdrawal of an offer to lease Government property at Muscle Shoals, Tenn. (see Page 5); to Commander Marion Eppley, National Chairman of the Navy League, approving the observance of Oct. 27, the birthday of President Roosevelt, as Navy Day.

Early one bright morning, Mr. and Mrs. Coolidge stood on their threshold. Up drove automobiles, out piled two-score laughing, talkative guests. Everyone shook hands and then Mrs. Coolidge said: "Let's go in to breakfast." Immediately the President offered his arm to a tall, deep-voiced,

October 27, 1924

blonde young lady named Charlotte Greenwood and led the party into the state dining-room. Mrs. Coolidge took the arm of a dignified gentle

man

named Colonel Rhinelander Waldo, then spied a smiling man called Al Jolson and took his arm as well. Said she: "I want two partners for this occasion."

Soon the Executive Mansion "rang with merriment." Within three minutes the President's lips were parted, his teeth showed, his mouth opened, he laughed outright. The guests were delegates of the Coolidge Non-Partisan League, actor-folk all (except Col. Waldo), come to assure the President of their support next month and, incidentally, to gain headline publicity. Colonel Waldo, the League's head, seated at Mr. Coolidge's left, sought to be serious over the pancakes and coffee, but Mr. Coolidge was in a lighter

mood. He smiled and smiled at Miss Charlotte Greenwood. He laughed and laughed at Messrs. Ed Wynn and Raymond Hitchcock, the latter of whom talked incessantly. He permitted himself to be mildly convulsed with all the rest at a story of Mr. Al Jolson's about two frogs and a turtle*

The pancakes dispatched, the coffee finished, all strolled to the White House lawn, where Mr. Hitchcock continued to talk until all the guests, and a band, burst into a new campaign song written by Mr. Jolson. The burden of this song was that it would be wise and appropriate to keep Mr. Coolidge in the Presidential chair for the reasons that: "Without a lot of fuss he did a lot for us" and "He's never asleep; still water runs deep."

Mr. Coolidge's Cabinet was waiting, so the party dispersed and said "thank you." Mr. Jolson said: "I ate everything but the sausage."

"Does that include the doilies?" asked Mrs. Coolidge.

"No," said Mr. Jolson. "I have those in my pocket."

Other incidents of the week were less gay. Mr. Coolidge attended two funerals that of the late Senator Brandegee of Connecticut, and that of the late H. H. Kohlsaat, publisher, who had died at the home of Secretary of Commerce Hoover. He joined with and spoke to the high apostles of Methodism at the unveiling of an equestrian statue to that sect's first U. S. bishop, Francis Asbury (1745-1816). In this address the President said: "Our Government rests upon Religion."

Into the custody of his naval and military aides, the President gave a silver loving cup, purchased by him and presented by him as a trophy to be played for annually by football teams composed of ten enlisted men

*The story: A frog, having a headache, asked another frog to fetch aspirin. Frog No. 2 refused. A turtle volunteered. A month, two months, passed. Said Frog No. 1: "My head has ached for two months. knew that turtle would never come back." Just then the turtle raised his head over a stone wall. Said the turtle: "Now just for that I won't go and get your aspirin at all!"

and one officer from U. S. warship stationed in the Atlantic and soldiers belonging to Army commands in the East. Said the President: "I desire to mention the great benefits to mind and body that result from participation in good, clean, wholesome sport."

THE CAMPAIGN Alarums and Excursions

The progress of another week's campaigning brought all candidates seven days nearer to the election.

Calvin Coolidge sat tight and held his peace.

Charles G. Dawes rolled out of Louisville on the Dawes special to Shelbyville, Frankfort, Lexington, Covington and sundry other centres. He stood on the back platform, cried: "Look out, citizens of Kentucky !"; warned against LaFollette and the latter's attitude toward the Supreme Court. Soon after, the citizens of Evanston, Ill., saw their townsman returning to his home to rest, to write speeches for an invasion of Pittsburgh, Philadelphia and points. East.

Pulling out of the Indiana stormcentre, the Davis Special puffed across Illinois to Mattoon, Springfield, Quincy. At Mattoon, John W. Davis said: "We propose no crooks inside and no petted favorites at the door." At Springfield, he laid a wreath on Lincoln's grave. Later, at a mass meeting, he described the whole duty of Governments: to be honest,to honor equality and justice, to be efficient and undivided. At Quincy, he spoke; crossed the Mississippi, spoke; recrossed, spoke again. Then back rolled the Special, through flat brown cornlands, into Chicago, where Mr. Davis entered the Auditorium and a heckler bawled out: "Where do you stand on the Ku Klux Klan?"

Said Mr. Davis: "I think I'll answer the gentleman's question . . . The fact that he asks it at all convinces me that there are still left in the United States some people who do not read the newspapers." He "scored the Klan," as public prints put it. Then he resumed a rebuttal of what Secretary Hughes had been saying in the East about a Democratic Party "cut to pieces in the West, honeycombed in the East." "Surely," said Mr. Davis, "either the gentleman is suffering from aphasia or -like some others-is not thoroughly in touch."

Other Chicago audiences heard the Davis dicta before the Special puffed out again, southbound this time through

East St. Louis, Ill., into Missouri. In East St. Louis, Mr. Davis paused long enough to tell 5,000 hearers that the election of Candidate Coolidge might well intensify public feeling so as to cook up widespread social revolt. In St. Louis, one riding a donkey led the

Wide World

CANDIDATE BRYAN "What a salesman!"

parade into the Coliseum, where Mr. Davis promised tax reform,

Tennesseewards puffed the Special, stopped at Nashville for the week-end, took on coal and puffed for Louisville. Evansville, Ind., and Cleveland were soon to see it, to hear its main passenger.

At Nashville, Mr. Davis arose to notable heights of oratorical fury. In pulling to pieces Mr. Coolidge's letter endorsing Navy Day, wherein the President referred to the Washington Conference on Limitation of Armaments as having marked "an epoch in which

the leading sea powers have united in an agreement that the U. S. is entitled to maintain a navy equal to that of any other power," Mr. Davis exploded: "In the language of old Ethan Allen, 'In the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress,' when did we need an agreement with any power to maintain a navy such as we desired?"

Next to nothing was heard of Democandidate Charles W. Bryan in his Nebraska haunts. One day William J. Bryan alighted from a train in

Lincoln, was met with a motor by his brother, was driven to Seward and there spoke; another day it was an nounced that the candidate would som set out upon a tour of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio. However, the Democratic press helped keep Mr. Bryan in the public eye. One paper printed "an intimate view. Said the biographer: "Mr. Bryan has a manner rather better than Vice Presi dential and presence enough for any office. He is tall, big-framed, nervous and muscular, a cross between an ur bane Kentucky colonel and a rough and restless Westerner ranger. Here on the home Axminster he towers and talks at ease. His polished, well-modeled head and flashing eyes give him a little the look of a large-size, unfinished Venize-" los. ... His own chauffeur by choice, he changes tires and drives at a terrific pace, shakes the insides out of his light automobile. . What a salesman he must have been in the early days when he sold soap and toilet goods!"

Some

Robert M. LaFollette continued his arousal of the Mississippi Valley. He dropped his notes and eyeglasses, shook his high silvery pompadour, shook his finger at the microphones, deserted his stand to pace the planks and extemporize as of old in splendid blazing bursts of oratory. His sons, Robert Jr., and Philip, sat on the platforms behind him, calming him discreetly, coaxing him back to his typewritten texts. times "Bob Jr.," sometimes "Phil" opened the meetings. Invariably the Senator followed them in fighting mood. Leaving St. Louis after a stormy session, the father and his sons boarded their special train for Des Moines and the Northwest. The Federal Reserve Banks, the railroad interests, Dawes, Coolidge, Butler, Slemp, Wall Street -all received their weekly flayings in Des Moines and Minneapolis. "Attacks," "scores," "hits," "accuses," "challenges," "condemns"-with such words did the press of all parties headline its reports of the candidate's daily diatribes. Back southward went the Special to Sioux Falls, S. D., for a restful week-end; then on to Omaha, Neb.; then northeast into Illinois. At Sioux Falls, Senator La Follette denied charges by T. V. O'Connor, Chairman of the U. S. Shipping Board, that Soviet funds had arrived via Mexico to aid the Third Party.

Burton K. Wheeler busied himself arousing southern California, and raising campaign funds as he did so. Twelve thousand voters in Hollywood Bowl paid $7,500 to hear him; more voters, more dollars in a Long Beach auditorium. An express whisked Sena

Wheeler across the Rockies to Kan, where crowds in Wichita and Newheard him denounce Big Business, mise good things to farmers.

Corruption"

As every one had expected it would the campaign was punctuated by the id shout of "Foul play!"

The Charge. A fortnight ago, arming up on his stump tour, Canlate La Follette thrust an accusing ger at the money-bags of the Repuban Party. Cried he, in effect: "Huge ish fund! Corruption! A desperate tempt to buy the election!"

Its Grounds. The grounds given the candidate for his accusations ere two:

1) A letter sent out in Pennsylvania collect funds for the G. O. P. treas"y: "We have in LaFollette and Wheeler a Lenin and Trotzky.. he American dollar, of 100 cents value, ill help this defensive fight against a impant radicalism.

2) An excerpt from a Philadelphia espatch in the Democratic New York "imes: "Last week hurried conferences In the subject of finance as well as oranization were held by the party leaders ere and in New York. Chairman Butler conferred with E. T. Stotesbury, he Philadelphia partner of Morgan & Co., and plans were immediately set foot in Pennsylvania by W. T. Mellon of Pittsburgh and Joseph R. Grundy of Philadelphia to raise $600,000 in that State for use elsewhere."

LaFollette's Case. On these grounds Candidate LaFollette erected a case maintaining that: 1) If Pennsylvania's quota is $600,000, the National Republican treasure trove must be $4,000,000 or $5,000,000; 2) "Use elsewhere" meant use in the Middle West; 3) "This campaign to raise enormous slush fund is based on malicious slander and libel. The New York Times says this conspiracy was initiated by William M. Butler, Chairman Republican National Committee, in conference with W. T. Mellon, brother of Secretary of Treasury, and Edward T. Stotesbury, partner of J. P. Morgan."

The latter quotation is from a telegram which Candidate La Follette despatched to Senator William E. Borah of Idaho. Also the telegram said: "I demand immediate action to halt this outrageous conspiracy."

The Court. Candidate La Follette wired to Senator Borah because the latter is Chairman of the Senate Committee on Campaign Expenditures. The "action" demanded was promptly forthcoming. Although he had only just opened his campaign in Idaho for reëlection to the Senate on the Republican ticket, Mr. Borah did some telegraphing of his own and entrained at

once for Chicago. There he was met by Senators Bayard of Delaware, Shipstead of Minnesota, Caraway of Arkansas, Jones of Washington.

Sitting in Chicago's Federal Building, with all the power of a court to swear witnesses and take testimony, these investigators proceeded to summon the chairmen and treasurers of the three leading parties. The Committee was resolved that "every line of inquiry" should be followed, that its reports should "not deal with lump totals, but with detailed contributions and expenditures."

Said Chairman Borah: "I understand the witnesses that La Follette has to substantiate his charges . . . are in Philadelphia and New York. We will hear whatever evidence there is here on that matter and go to Washington for the rest."

The Republican Testimony was heard first. Republican Treasurer William V. Hodges presented his accounts and with them an explanation of the Republican budget which, he said, had been reduced from an original estimate of $3,000,000 set in the spring.

In the original Republican plan, quotas had been fixed. For instance, one Joseph R. Grundy, woolen manufacturer of Bristol, Pa., had been asked to raise $300,000 in eastern Pennsylvania. The quota for the State of Illinois had been set at $400,000. Other states, other quotas and a list of individual donations revealed the fact that the Republicans had raised the $1,000 limit, set in 1920 by Republican Chairman Will H. Hays, to $25,000. This list began:

$25,000-William Wrigley Jr., chewinggum manufacturer of Chicago.

$20,000-James A. Patten, grain dealer of Evanston, Ill.

$15,000-Union League Club of Philadel phia (collection from members); Aldrich C. Johnson, of Camden, N. J.; Mortimer L. Schiff and Arthur Curtiss James of Manhattan.

$10.000-Arthur W. Cutten, Chicago grain merchant; B. A. Eckhart and A. W. Harris of Chicago; Charles G. Dawes, the party candidate for Vice President; Harry P. Knight of St. Louis; A. R. Carleton of Colorado Springs; and Julius Fleischmann. Charles Hayden, J. Horace Harding, J. V. Armitage, Julius Forstmann, all of Manhattan.

Chairman Borah: "Do you know of any contribution from J. P. Morgan & Co., or members of that firm?"

Treasurer Hodges: "Yes, Dwight Morrow and Tom Cochran each sent $5,000."

"Is there any plan to distribute one million copies of President Coolidge's biography?"

"I do not know. . . I should say not. . ."

Treasurer Hodges' summary showed $1,714,317 received from 16,902 contributors. The list of disbursements included an expense of $437,000 for a publicity bureau under the direction of one George Barr Baker.

Chairman Borah: "Is there any moneyed institution in New York, either singly or in combination, that is expending money for the benefit of the Republican campaign that does not account it to you, that you have any knowledge of?"

Treasurer Hodges: "No."

no

Chairman William M. Butler of the Republican National Committee testified, scouting Candidate La Follette's charge of slushery in "doubtful" states. Said he: "We have no such intention ... no ability funds for purposes of that kind." Mr. Butler confirmed the figure of $3,000,000 for the Republican budget and called it "a modest amount." He answered detailed questions about the uses to which Republican moneys had been and would be put. George Barr Baker testified as to the activities of his publicity bureau. It was announced that the inquiry would go no further than taking the financial statements of the two other party managers, unless Frank P. Walsh, of Kansas City, attorney for the Third Party, submitted sufficient new evidence to warrant prolonging the probe.

Third Party Testimony. Senator Caraway (Democrat) opened the hearing on the LaFollette finances, Representative John M. Nelson, Third Party Manager, submitting his accounts and testifying.

Senator Caraway: "I presume you saw the statement that some Labor organizations were spending large sums in carrying on your campaign. Do you know anything about that?"

Manager Nelson: "No. I have no knowledge of anything outside the reports I have made to you."

"Do you know anything of an indeon and pendent campaign carried financed by them?"

“Oh, yes, . . . but I have no knowledge of the amounts or the details."

con

Mr. Nelson was pressed for, and named, other organizations acting independently for LaFollette, but sistently denied having any knowledge or control of their operations. His report, as of Oct. 10, showed $190,535.36 received from about 72.000 persons, and disbursements of $155,062.69. Though one Illinois manufacturer stood liable for "anything up to $40,000," most contributors had given a dollar at a time. Said Mr. Nelson: "The psychology prevails. . . . We had to revise our budget so often that we had to abandon it. Our great trouble was lack of money." Here Senator Bayard interpolated: "Then your budget was largely a matter of hope, was it not?"

Mr. Nelson: "Yes, that's right."