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Walsh's turn. He trundled forth a huge mass of correspondence and other data and told the Committee that he would undertake to show that three G. O. P. funds were being collected, "one by the National Committee, the regular fund; one a fund created by the bankers of the United States and taken care of by them; and the other by the manufacturers and business men." Mr. Walsh added that he had talked with Candidate La Follette over the long distance telephone and the latter had "underestimated the amount of the 'slush fund'. . . . It is very likely," said he, "to reach $12,000,000." Mr. Walsh briefly outlined his evidence and requested the Committee to subpoena a long list of Philadelphians, Washingtonians, New Yorkers, Kansas Cityites." He explained that it was Candidate La Follette's mission to "delouse" the political parties.
Chairman Borah agreed to issue the subpoenas, adding the names of Samuel Gompers and other Labor officials whom he wished to interrogate about their expenditures in behalf of Candidate La Follette's campaign. The Committee then adjourned with the announcement that it would reconvene in Washington, there to examine the subpoenaed witnesses and to receive the financial report of Clem L. Shaver, campaign manager of the Democratic forces. Parenthetically, Senator Borah asked the chairmen of all the national campaigns to report to him periodically, on Oct. 20, Oct. 25, Nov. 1.
The Penalty. Should a political party be discovered to have raised a billion or ten billion dollars for legitimate national campaign expenses, no legal penalty could be imposed upon that party's officials. Their only penalty would be chastisement by public opinion. If, however, it should be proved that a party misrepresented its expenditures in reporting them to Congressor, this year, to the Borah committee; if it should be proved that votes were, in some definite sense, "bought," then impeachment and probably imprisonment would follow for those responsible.
It is asked: "Where does the money go? Is it spent lawfully or crookedly?" Answer: "Millions are wasted. The estimate placed upon the total cost of a national election is
$30,000,000-more than a dollar for every vote cast."
Mark Sullivan, political observer, writes for Republican papers, at present for The New York Herald-Tribune.
MARK SULLIVAN "Notably dispassionate,
Mark Sullivan, like all other men, is not infallible. But Mark Sullivan is notably dispassionate, notably shrewd; moreover, notably conservative in his judgments. Last week, when he precomputed the electoral votes of states, many persons accepted. his mathematical approximation rather as logical conclusion than as prophecy or even prediction.
Said he: "For simplicity's sake, let the estimate take the form of examining whether Coolidge can win. . . . The Democrats freely concede that their fight is to prevent Coolidge from getting a majority [266 electoral votes]."
He postulated Coolidge's irreducible minimum:
California he called doubtful "merely in the interest of caution." As for Iowa, he recalled an old political saying that "Iowa will go Democratic when Hell goes Methodist."
He then dealt with "real fighting ground"-the five border states-and conceded their 47 votes to Davis. These are: Delaware, Maryland. West Virginia, Missouri, Oklahoma.
The South remaining solid, Mark Sullivan was then left with ten controversial states wherein the Republican claims seemed to him as valid as the Democratic. He did not attempt to figure them out, but fell back on the bettor's law of averages to arrive at the tentative conclusion that Mr. Coolidge would be able to total the requisite 266 by rallying 24 more votes out of the 70 thus remaining "in the pot." The states are:
Follette carrying Iowa and California; or 2) Davis carrying Indiana and New Jersey.
An emergency Democratic State Convention sat at Cheyenne, Wyo., to nominate a successor to the late Governor William B. Ross (TIME, Oct. 13, MILESTONES). Two speeches were made, the roll-call by counties was begun. Then the Convention nominated by acclamation the second feminine gubernatorial nominee in U. S. history-Mrs. William B. Ross, widow of the late Governor. Antiquaries recalled that, in 1869, Wyoming (then a territory) enfranchised women before any other state or territory had done so.*
"When the first flush of candidacy is over, a fellow stops in his tracks and just wonders what it is all about.
Somehow it seems I'm just a short, fat, baldheaded man who has learned much in the last year and will learn a lot more in the next few weeks." Not all the campaign speeches of Editor William Allen White, self-nominated antiKlan candidate for Governor of Kansas, have been as genial and mock-modest as this since he banged down his desk-top last month, started taking $25 out of the till of the Emporia Gazette each week, and set off banging over the "skiddy, rocky, hilly, bumpy roads of his state-in a dilapidated automobile" seeking votes. The one string of his political fiddle has been ridicule of the Ku Klux Klan-a string which he has played with incessant vigor and variety. Reports last week indicated that Mr. White was unsettling the calculations of Republican Candidate Ben Paulen and the plans of Governor Jonathan M. Davis, Democratic candidate, whose chief cries Friendship to farmers!"
The complexion of Texas seemed to be altering. In August, upon her nomination by the Democrats, Mrs. Miriam A. ("Ma") Ferguson was virtually accepted by the Nation as the Governor-elect of Texas. Last week, public prints of all party affiliations published despatches to the effect that this first blush had faded; that Dr. George C. Butte, Republican nominee, was offering "more resistance
*New Jersey, on entering the Union, admitted women to the suffrage provided they possessed $250. In 1790, this property quali fication was removed. In 1807, when politics had become a profession, a law was passed denying the vote to women.
TEXAS CANDIDATE BUTTE "Ma" views him with alarm?
than any Republican since the days of the
Reconstruction." The reports held that the Republican Party of Texas is once more "a white man's affair." In the old days, only Negroes would vote for a "Yankee," as the Texans who wore plow-handle moustaches called the Republicans. Dr. Butte's party was said to have eliminated the Negro vote. Furthermore, though he has many times denounced the Klan as rigorously as Mrs. Ferguson, Dr. Butte was said to be backed by many klansmen as "the lesser of two evils." A university man, onetime Dean of the University of Texas Law School, Dr. Butte expected also to enjoy the "intellectual" support in Texan cities of Texan college alumni. The strongholds of the Democrats are in the expansive but scantily populated agricultural regions of the state. Democratic leaders pointed repeatedly to Mrs. Ferguson's impressive victory in the primary but continued to be reported, even in their own press, as "alarmed."
Frank R. Kent, able Democrank, wrote for the Baltimore Sun: "Beyond compare, this flaming old man [Senator LaFollette] and his two attractive sons present the one dramatic, colorful spectacle of the campaign; and the fight they make surpasses in ardor anything of which the others are capable."
Charles Nagel of St. Louis, U. S. Secretary of Commerce and Labor under President Taft, "a leader of the German-American voters of Missouri," said of LaFollette: "War hath no fury like the non-combatant"; of Davis: "No practical prospect for victory"; of Coolidge: "I shall vote for Coolidge."
My dear Mr. Coolidge-On July 8, 1921, there was submitted to the War Department, upon their invitation to the writer, an offer for leasing the Government property at Muscle Shoals.
After many conferences, hearings, etc., this proposal was amended on Jan. 25, 1922, in which form it is still pending in Congress. Inasmuch as so much time has already elapsed we are unable to wait and delay what plans we have any longer for action by Congress; and I am, consequently, asking that you consider this as a withdrawal of said offer.
National Affairs [Continued]
The Ford offer was accepted by the House (TIME, Mar. 17), received the President Coolidge endorsement of (TIME, May 19). Other Muscle Shoals bids now before Congress (and accepted by neither the House nor the Senate) include those of Hooker-WhiteAtterbury, the Allied Power Companies, the Union Carbide (TIME, April 28, May 12). Pending in the Senate also is a report from the Committee on Agriculture recommending a bill framed by the Committee's Chairman, Senator Norris. The Norris Bill (TIME, June 9) provides for continued Government ownership, gives the option of Government or private operation.
ARMY & NAVY
"No corporation," wrote Commander Jacob Stepp to the Navy Department, "can afford to juggle with the proper hygiene of its establishment."
Commander Stepp, surgeon of the U. S. scouting fleet, was making a special report to his superiors. The particular corporation he had in mind was the U. S. Navy. He questioned if this corporation was not "juggling" in permitting "maddening engineering competition" between its various elements, "especially when we consider the deleterious effects, on the health and morale of a selected personnel, of permitting a reduction of the standard allowances of heat, ventilation, water and light." Modern battleship design, as every one knows, seeks to eliminate waste space, waste weight, superfluous comfort.
Off Yorktown, Va., the U. S. S. Arkansas stretched her gray length at anchor in the York River. Ashore, seven companies of Marines and bluejackets stood by, while two artillery regiments from Fort Eustis saluted the flag with heavy guns. Three military bands struck up. The troops marched. Officials viewed and reviewed. Among the speech-makers were: Governor Trinkle of Virginia, Brigadier General William R. Smith (representing President Coolidge), George A. Elliott of the Delaware Historical Society, Brigadier General R. Allyn Lewis of the Old Guard of New York, Captain Charles Nungesser, famed French ace.
All remembered, all were celebrating,
Oct. 19, 1781, the day on which Lord Cornwallis surrendered his sword to General George Washington and the American Revolution came to an end at Yorktown.
The afternon of Oct. 16, 1781, was cloudy. The sun sank sullen and red. With the night, came winds and rain. Stretched in a semicircle about Yorktown, American troops under General Washington lay in their earthworks, some putting back into service the guns of two redoubts that had been captured and spiked by a British assault under Lieutenant Colonel Abercrombie in the forenoon but recovered later in a counter-assault. About 300 yards away lay the British, in the inner circle of Yorktown's earthwork defenses. In the town, Lord Charles Cornwallis took counsel with his officers. North of them, the York River hissed and splashed as the whistling wind and driving rain whipped its surface. It was apparent to the British chiefs-that they were bottled up. Their plan had been to fortify Yorktown as a base for the British fleet; but the French admiral, De Grasse, controlled all the Chesapeake coast; and now Washington was behind Yorktown on land with 16,000 men. Lord Cornwallis issued his orders. Detachments would attempt to cross the river to Gloucester Point; and, if the crossing could be effected, all would follow and there await reinforcements from General Clinton. Towards midnight, the detachments attempted a crossing; but the storm had risen higher; and all returned to Yorktown, hopeless, with the dawn.
At 10 o'clock on Oct. 17, during a heavy cannonading from the American guns, Washington's men saw a British drummer mount the enemy's parapet. His beating could not be heard for the cannon; but, when a British officer climbed up beside him waving a white kerchief, it became evident the drummer was sounding a parley. All around the lines firing ceased; the British officer was blindfolded and led behind the American lines where General Washington received Lord Cornwallis' request that hostilities be suspended and a joint commission be named to draw up terms of surrender.
The next afternoon, the British troops, decked out in new uniforms but with their colors sheathed, marched out of Yorktown between the French and American ranks lined up on both sides of the Hampton road. The British bands played an old British march, The World Turned Upside Down. field just off the road, a squadron of French Hussars were drawn up in a wide circle, into which the British were directed to maṛch. Came the commands: "Present arms! Lay down arms! Put off swords and cartridge
boxes!" Then the British marched back into Yorktown to rest before being sent to prison camps in the South.
But Lord Cornwallis-Charles Cornwallis Cornwallis, second Earl (later) first Marquess of Cornwallishad not appeared at the surrender. He had sent in his stead General O'Hara bearing his sword to General Washington. When the sword was presented, General Washington bowed, but referred General O'Hara to General Benjamin Lincoln as the American representative. Back in Yorktown, Lord Cornwallis sat alone with his defeat A florid, vigorous man of 45, "distinguished by independence of character and inflexible integrity," a gallant soldier and, before the Revolution's outbreak, a staunch opponent of England's colonial policy in the House of Lords, he was too proud to accompany his troops in their hour of humiliation. Upon receipt of his parole, he returned to New York, later to England, where, far from being censured unjustly as he might have been, he soon received a vacant Garter, the Governor-Generalship of India; later a marquessate and the vice-royalty of Ireland.
A Washington newspaper correspondent told his paper the following story about Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas.
Senator Sheppard and a friend were strolling down Ninth Street, the "little Broadway" of Washington, one evening. In a vacant store, a faker was haranguing a crowd, selling a book.
Cried the faker: "My friends, the most prominent men in America are availing themselves of the wise advice
.. I hold in my hand. This very day, one of the most noted men in the Nation, the Senator from Texas, bought half a dozen copies. He is 120 pounds overweight and I have guaranteed that he will get back to normal."
Senator Sheppard Sheppard nudged his friend. They continued their walk. Said Senator Sheppard: "It would be a fatal blow either to my colleague, Mayfield, or myself to reduce to the extent of 120 pounds. . . . The spectacle of a 40-pound member of the Senate would be a source of endless jest and the Senate has enough of ridicule. . . ."
Turkey vs. Britain
In the Near East, notorious for its intricate problems and as the breeding ground of intrigue, a disturbing echo was heard.
The Lausanne Treaty (TIME, August 5, 1923) left undone one thing that it should have done: the settlement of the Iraq-Turkish boundary.* It was understood that Britain (holding a League of Nations mandate for Iraq) and Turkey were to solve the problem between themselves; and, if agreement were impossible, they were to refer their dispute to the League. Agreement was impossible. Turkey set covetous eyes on Mosul, synonym for oil; Britain set faith on the adage "possession is nine points of the law." Turkey recognized one boundary line; Britain another. Result: Both became engaged in recriminations because the one had invaded the other's territory.
Ismet Pasha, Turkish Foreign Minister, swearing by all his gods that Turkish troops had not crossed the boundary (i.e., the boundary as set by Turkey), warned the League, last week. that if British troops committed acts of aggression on the frontier, Britain must shoulder the entire responisiblity.
Premier Ramsay MacDonald of Britain, expostulating that British troops had remained on the Iraq side of the frontier (i.e., what Britain said was the Iraq side), requested the
The boundary line was defined in the Treaty of Sèvres (1920); but, as Turkey refused to ratify the Treaty, the boundary question was left unsettled.
He swore by all his gods.
League for an immediate Council meeting to deal with the difficuity.
The Council of the League informed Sir Eric Drummond, League Secretary General, that it would hold "as soon as possible" an extraordinary session to consider the Anglo-Turkish dispute.
(British Commonwealth of Nations)
The Coming Election
The election campaign which is to end at the polls on Wednesday, Oct. 29, began its display of oratorical fireworks.
Issues. All the issues, none of which is, per se, important, have been coalesced by Conservatives and Liberals into one: anti-Socialism. The Labor candidates stand on the record of the Government during its nine months of office and seek votes on the plea that the "unholy alliance" (Conservatives and Liberals) is trying to keep the Labor Party out of office.
Date. The fixation of Oct. 29 as the date for the general elections was made, according to The Times of London, to avoid clashing with the municipal elections, the date of which is fixed by law for Nov. 1.
Coalition. Much talk has been heard during the past seven days concerning a possible Conservative-Liberal coalition against Labor. For some time
past, Winston Churchill has advocated a similar policy (TIME, Oct. 6), with this difference, however: Churchill wants a complete fusion of the two old parties, whereas the Liberals seem only to wish for a modus vivendi coalition.
Nominations. There are 615 seats in the House of Commons. For these seats there are 1,425 candidates :
Of this number, 32 candidates have already been returned unopposed, leaving 1,393 in the field. The unopposed were distributed thus:
Conservative Labor Liberal
Chief among those thus elected: Ex-Premier Baldwin (Conservative); J. H. Whitley, Speaker of the House of Commons (Liberal); T. P. O'Connor, "Father of the House" (Nationalist).
Manifestos. The following are excerpts from manifestos:
Conservative: "The Unionist Party is in favor of equal political rights for men and women and desires that the question of the extension of the franchise should, if possible, be settled by agreement.
"With this in view, they would, if returned to power, propose that the matter be referred to a conference of all the political Parties."
Liberal: "Sooner than keep to the paths of sane and careful government, in which the Liberals were ready and willing to support him, the Prime Minister has chosen to appeal to the country. Like Mr. Baldwin, a year ago, he yielded to the hotheads in his Party, who prefer to stake all upon an election rather than forego their cherished nostrum of Socialism in the one case and of Protection in the other.
"I believe that the country will reject all such illusory remedies, from whatever quarter they may be advocated. What it looks for and, from a Liberal Government, will secure, are sound administration, practicable reforms and freedom from constant appeals for its opinion upon fantastic proposals of the extremists on either side." (Message from H. H. Asquith to Scotland.)
Labor: The Labor manifesto was not published in the U. S. Premier MacDonald in a message to Reynold's, Lon
don weekly newspaper (Democratic), said:
"Labor in this election is faced with a combination of interests, parties and newspapers which has never been known before in the history of political contests. It stands alone and, single-handed almost, fights its battle. This should win for it devoted support, not only from the working classes but from all who see in such combinations a menace to freedom of thought and independence of political action."
Posters. Almost within 48 hours after the dissolution of Parliament had been proclaimed (TIME, Oct. 20), the three big parties started to paste posters in the cities, towns and villages of the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland.
"Bewildered Bolshies" are the subject of most of the Conservative placards. These usually show "a brutal Bolshevist with greed in his eye" stretching out for the money of "the good old British voter." The captions are: "It's your money he wants. The Socialists say he can have it. Don't let him vote Socialist"; "Russia already owes us £722,500,000. Don't vote another £40,000,000, but vote Unionist [Conservative]."
In music halls, British Money for the British, a quasi-patriotic song, became popular overnight.
A Conservative campaign poem reads: Bolshevik, Bolshevik, where have you been?
Over to England, where the Reds are still green.
The Labor cartoons ridicule those of the Conservatives and Liberals, mock them for calling up a fantastic Bolshevik spook. The captions: "The weather will be dreadful under Communism"; "The Communists will stab poor grandpa."
Oratory. The following are brief excerpts from speeches of prominent political leaders:
Premier MacDonald: "Tittle-tattle will play a great part in this election; and the trouble is that, being without a great and widely read press, we are going to be at the mercy of those who speak recklessly and tell what is not true."
Ex-Premier George, referring to the Laborites: "They have no more originality than the Chinese tailor who imitates the very patches on a garment."
Ex-Premier Asquith called one of Premier MacDonald's speeches a "rodomontade."
Ex-Premier Baldwin described the Labor Ministers as "cheap-jacks of politics, always full of enthusiasm but never doing anything."
Lord Wargrave, referring to the Premier, described him as the "standard-bearer of the white flag during the War and the red flag after it."
Lord Birkenhead, speaking of the Premier, called him a "lachrymose pilgrim in a motor car and declared the Russian Treaty was an agreement to give "£40,000,000 of English money to a band of murderers who have already robbed us of £800,000,000!"
Winston Churchill, in an attack on Premier MacDonald, demanded: "What became of all these lofty lectures from the Socialists about the unfairness and immorality of rent and interest when they say, at the first opportunity, that the Prime Minister did not hesitate to become an important shareholder in a great manufacturing concern connected with the food of the people?"
Broadcasting. The British Broadcasting Co. put their equipment at the disposal of Premier MacDonald and ex-Premiers Baldwin and Asquith. Both Mr. McDonald and Mr. Asquith spoke into the instruments from an election platform; and the heckling and cheering was such that it made their speeches inaudible to millions of the radio-audiant. Mr. Baldwin was more successful. He hied him to the office of the Radio Co., sat him in a comfortable chair and talked quietly to millions. The keynote of his speech was an inversion of the late President Wilson's famous dictum about making the world safe for democracy. It left Mr. Baldwin's tobacco-hardened tongue as "making democracy safe for the world." Avoiding controversy, attacking nobody, he gave his listeners what he termed "a heart-to-heart talk." Said he: "You cannot all make speeches, thank God. . . . We are all going through a pretty bad time. Prices are high; jobs are few; and taxes are heavy. The country simply can't afford, at such times, experiments with either academic socialism or revolutionary mitigation. The Conservative Party is no patent medicine vendor. It does not profess to have a remedy for every evil, but it is the only Party which offers you the least hope and knows how to make democracy safe for the world."
Incidents. The most noteworthy of the incidents which befell candidates, during the past week, was the persistent bad luck which dogged Premier MacDonald. Dashing about the country in his now notorious automobile (TIME, Sept. 22), he was able to make many speeches-too many; the result being that, at the end of the campaign's first week, he had lost his voice. He had said previously: "I was never so tired in my life."
At Wolverhampton, a woman dashed onto the platform and hit him over the head with a Union Jack crying: "This is the flag; never mind Russia." She was led away by police. The New York World wrote an editorial on the
incident calling the flag-whacke "Britain's Barbara Frietchie."
At Leeds, the Premier spoke to the plebs from an improvised platform on which he and 30 others stood. In the middle of his speech, the platform collapsed, precipitating most of the occupants, including the Premier, to the ground. After picking himself up, Mr. MacDonald resumed his speech from a part of the platform left intact. He said that the collapse was an example of the weight with which Labor would bring down its opponents.
Forecast. Lloyd's, the world's most catholic insurance company, offered odds of 2 to 1 that the Conservative Party would gain a majority over al! other parties in the House of Commons. It was later reported, but not confirmed, that the odds had been lengthened to 10 to 1.
Everybody, including Liberals, forecast defeat for the Liberal Party; but Conservatives and Laborites each expected to make handsome gains.
It appeared probable, owing to the Conservative-Liberal arrangement of non-opposition in questionable constituencies, that the former would be returned with a majority.
It was considered as certain that the first Ministry of the next Parliament would be either Conservative or Conservative-Liberal, united on anti-Socialist policy.
The progress of Lord Renfrew is continued:
At Detroit, the Prince was shown the factory whence thousands of flivvers emerge daily. He witnessed the rapid assembling of an automobile which was christened by Henry Ford "The Prince of Wales Special." The Baron then motored to the home of Edsel Ford; was royally entertained at a dinner and dance. Then he left for Toronto.
In Toronto, the Baron of Renfrew listened to words of greeting from the Lieutenant Governor of Ontario and the worshipful Mayor. He responded
the proffered welcome, dashed away to New Market, a few miles distant, took part in a hunt. His horse fell at one point and off shot the royal rider. He, however, gave chase to the nag, caught it, remounted, continued the hunt. In the evening, he was dined at the Ontario Government House; later, he danced.
The next day saw him in Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada. At Government House, His Excellency General the Right Honorable Julian Hedworth George, Baror Byng of Vimy, Governor General c f Canada, entertained the British He ir Apparent at