Wheeler across the Rockies to Kan, where crowds in Wichita and Newheard him denounce Big Business, mise good things to farmers.

Corruption"

As every one had expected it would the campaign was punctuated by the d shout of "Foul play!"

The Charge. A fortnight ago, rming up on his stump tour, Canate La Follette thrust an accusing ger at the money-bags of the Repubin Party. Cried he, in effect: "Huge sh fund! Corruption! A desperate empt to buy the election!"

Its Grounds. The grounds given the candidate for his accusations re two:

1) A letter sent out in Pennsylvania collect funds for the G. O. P. treasy: "We have in LaFollette and heeler a Lenin and Trotzky..

e American dollar, of 100 cents value, Il help this defensive fight against a mpant radicalism. . .

2) An excerpt from a Philadelphia spatch in the Democratic New York imes: "Last week hurried conferences

the subject of finance as well as ornization were held by the party leaders ere and in New York. Chairman utler conferred with E. T. Stotesbury. e Philadelphia partner of Morgan & o., and plans were immediately set foot in Pennsylvania by W. T. Mellon f Pittsburgh and Joseph R. Grundy of hiladelphia to raise $600,000 in that tate for use elsewhere."

LaFollette's Case. On these rounds Candidate LaFollette erected a ase maintaining that: 1) If Pennsylania's quota is $600,000, the National Republican treasure trove must be $4,00,000 or $5,000,000; 2) "Use elsewhere" meant use in the Middle West; ) "This campaign to raise enormous lush fund is based on malicious slander nd libel. The New York Times says his conspiracy was initiated by William M. Butler, Chairman Republican Naional Committee, in conference with V. T. Mellon, brother of Secretary of Treasury, and Edward T. Stotesbury, partner of J. P. Morgan."

The latter quotation is from a telegram which Candidate La Follette despatched to Senator William E. Borah of Idaho. Also the telegram said: "I demand immediate action to halt this outrageous conspiracy."

The Court. Candidate LaFollette wired to Senator Borah because the latter is Chairman of the Senate Committee on Campaign Expenditures. The "action" demanded was promptly forthcoming. Although he had only just opened his campaign in Idaho for reëlection to the Senate on the Republican ticket, Mr. Borah did some telegraphing of his own and entrained at

once for Chicago. There he was met by Senators Bayard of Delaware, Shipstead of Minnesota, Caraway of Arkansas, Jones of Washington.

Sitting in Chicago's Federal Building, with all the power of a court to swear witnesses and take testimony, these investigators proceeded to summon the chairmen and treasurers of the three leading parties. The Committee was resolved that "every line of inquiry" should be followed, that its reports should "not deal with lump totals, but with detailed contributions and expenditures."

Said Chairman Borah: "I understand the witnesses that La Follette has to substantiate his charges . . . are in Philadelphia and New York. We will hear whatever evidence there is here on that matter and go to Washington for the rest."

The Republican Testimony was heard first. Republican Treasurer William V. Hodges presented his accounts and with them an explanation of the Republican budget which, he said, had been reduced from an original estimate of $3,000,000 set in the spring.

In the original Republican plan, quotas had been fixed. For instance, one Joseph R. Grundy, woolen manufacturer of Bristol, Pa., had been asked to raise $300,000 in eastern Pennsylvania. The quota for the State of Illinois had been set at $400,000. Other states, other quotas and a list of individual donations revealed the fact that the Republicans had raised the $1,000 limit, set in 1920 by Republican Chairman Will H. Hays, to $25,000. This list began:

$25,000-William Wrigley Jr., chewinggum manufacturer of Chicago.

$20,000-James A. Patten, grain dealer of Evanston, Ill.

$15,000-Union League Club of Philadelphia (collection from members); Aldrich C. Johnson, of Camden, N. J.; Mortimer L. Schiff and Arthur Curtiss James of Manhattan.

$10.000-Arthur W. Cutten, Chicago grain merchant; B. A. Eckhart and A. W. Harris of Chicago; Charles G. Dawes, the party candidate for Vice President; Harry P. Knight of St. Louis; A. R. Carleton of Colorado Springs; and Julius Fleischmann, Charles Hayden, J. Horace Harding, J. V. Armitage, Julius Forstmann, all of Manhattan.

Chairman Borah: "Do you know of any contribution from J. P. Morgan & Co., or members of that firm?"

Treasurer Hodges: "Yes, Dwight Morrow and Tom Cochran each sent $5,000."

"Is there any plan to distribute one million copies of President Coolidge's biography?"

"I do not know. . . I should say not. . ."

Treasurer Hodges' summary showed $1,714,317 received from 16,902 contributors. The list of disbursements included an expense of $437,000 for a publicity bureau under the direction of one George Barr Baker.

Chairman Borah: "Is there any moneyed institution in New York, either singly or in combination, that is expending money for the benefit of the Republican campaign that does not account it to you, that you have any knowledge of?"

Treasurer Hodges: "No."

no ability.

no

Chairman William M. Butler of the Republican National Committee testified, scouting Candidate La Follette's charge of slushery in "doubtful" states. Said he: "We have no such intention funds for purposes of that kind." Mr. Butler confirmed the figure of $3,000,000 for the Republican budget and called it "a modest amount." He answered detailed questions about the uses to which Republican moneys had been and would be put. George Barr Baker testified as to the activities of his publicity bureau. It was announced that the inquiry would go no further than taking the financial statements of the two other party managers, unless Frank P. Walsh, of Kansas City, attorney for the Third Party, submitted sufficient new evidence to warrant prolonging the probe.

Third Party Testimony. Senator Caraway (Democrat) opened the hearing on the LaFollette finances, Representative John M. Nelson, Third Party Manager, submitting his accounts and testifying.

Senator Caraway: "I presume you saw the statement that some Labor organizations were spending large sums in carrying on your campaign. Do you know anything about that?"

Manager Nelson: "No. I have no knowledge of anything outside the reports I have made to you."

"Do you know anything of an independent campaign carried on and financed by them?"

"Oh, yes, but I have no knowledge of the amounts or the details." Mr. Nelson was pressed for, and named, other organizations acting independently for LaFollette, but consistently denied having any knowledge or control of their operations. His report, as of Oct. 10, showed $190,535.36 received from about 72.000 persons, and disbursements of $155,062.69. Though one Illinois manufacturer stood liable for "anything up to $40,000," most contributors had given a dollar at a time. Said Mr. Nelson: "The psychology prevails. . . We had to revise our budget so often that we had to abandon it. Our great trouble was lack of money." Here Senator Bayard interpolated: "Then your budget was largely a matter of hope, was it not?"

Mr. Nelson: "Yes, that's right."

Walsh's turn. He trundled forth a huge mass of correspondence and other data and told the Committee that he would undertake to show that three G. O. P. funds were being collected, "one by the National Committee, the regular fund; one a fund created by the bankers of the United States and taken care of by them; and the other by the manufacturers and business men." Mr. Walsh added that he had talked with Candidate La Follette over the long distance telephone and the latter had "underestimated the amount of the 'slush fund'. . . . It is very likely," said he, "to reach $12,000,000." Mr. Walsh briefly outlined his evidence and requested the Committee to subpoena a long list of Philadelphians, Washingtonians, New Yorkers, Kansas Cityites." He explained that it was Candidate LaFollette's mission to "delouse" the political parties.

Chairman Borah agreed to issue the subpoenas, adding the names of Samuel Gompers and other Labor officials whom he wished to interrogate about their expenditures in behalf of Candidate La Follette's campaign. The Committee then adjourned with the announcement that it would reconvene in Washington, there to examine the subpoenaed witnesses and to receive the financial report of Clem L. Shaver, campaign manager of the Democratic forces. Parenthetically, Senator Borah asked the chairmen of all the national campaigns to report to him periodically, on Oct. 20, Oct. 25, Nov. 1.

The Penalty. Should a political party be discovered to have raised a billion or ten billion dollars for legitimate national campaign expenses, no legal penalty could be imposed upon that party's officials. Their only penalty would be chastisement by public opinion. If, however, it should be proved that a party misrepresented its expenditures in reporting them to Congressor, this year, to the Borah committee; if it should be proved that votes were, in some definite sense, "bought," then impeachment and probably imprisonment would follow for those responsible.

It is asked: "Where does the money go? Is it spent lawfully or crookedly?" Answer: "Millions are wasted. The estimate placed upon the total cost of a national election is

$30,000,000-more than a dollar for every vote cast."

Mark Sullivan

Mark Sullivan, political observer, writes for Republican papers, at present for The New York Herald-Tribune.

MARK SULLIVAN "Notably dispassionate, notably shrewd."

Mark Sullivan, like all other men, is not infallible. But Mark Sullivan is notably dispassionate, notably shrewd; moreover, notably conservative in his judgments. Last week, when he precomputed the electoral votes of states, many persons accepted. his mathematical approximation rather as logical conclusion than as prophecy or even prediction.

Said he: "For simplicity's sake, let the estimate take the form of examining whether Coolidge can win. . . . The Democrats freely concede that their fight is to prevent Coolidge from getting a majority [266 electoral votes]."

He postulated Coolidge's irreducible minimum:

California he called doubtful "merely in the interest of caution As for Iowa, he recalled an old political saying that "Iowa will go Democratic when Hell goes Methodist."

He then dealt with "real fighting ground"-the five border states-and conceded their 47 votes to Davis These are: Delaware, Maryland West Virginia, Missouri, Oklahoma.

The South remaining solid, Mark Sullivan was then left with ten con troversial states wherein the Repub lican claims seemed to him as valid as the Democratic. He did not at tempt to figure them out, but fell back on the bettor's law of averages to arrive at the tentative conclusion that Mr. Coolidge would be able to total the requisite 266 by rallying 24 more votes out of the 70 thus remaining "in the pot." The states are:

ollette carrying Iowa and California; r 2) Davis carrying Indiana and New ersey.

n Wyoming

An emergency Democratic State Conention sat at Cheyenne, Wyo., to nommate a successor to the late Governor Villiam B. Ross (TIME, Oct. 13, MILETONES). Two speeches were made, the oll-call by counties was begun. Then The Convention nominated by acclamaion the second feminine gubernatorial ominee in U. S. history-Mrs. William B. Ross, widow of the late Governor. Antiquaries recalled that, in 1869, Vyoming (then a territory) enfranhised women before any other state or erritory had done so.*

In Kansas

"When the first flush of candidacy is over, a fellow stops in his tracks and Just wonders what it is all about. . . Somehow it seems I'm just a short, fat, baldheaded man who has learned much in the last year and will learn a lot more in the next few weeks." Not all the campaign speeches of Editor William Allen White, self-nominated antiKlan candidate for Governor of Kansas, have been as genial and mock-modest as this since he banged down his desk-top last month, started taking $25 out of the till of the Emporia Gazette each week, and set off banging over the "skiddy, rocky, hilly, bumpy roads of his state-in a dilapidated automobile" seeking votes. The one string of his political fiddle has been ridicule of the Ku Klux Klan-a string which he has played with incessant vigor and variety. Reports last week indicated that Mr. White was unsettling the calculations of Republican Candidate Ben Paulen and the plans of Governor Jonathan M. Davis, Democratic candidate, whose chief cries Friendship to farmers!"

In Texas

are:

"Honesty!

The complexion of Texas seemed to be altering. In August, upon her nomination by the Democrats, Mrs. Miriam A. ("Ma") Ferguson was virtually accepted by the Nation as the Governor-elect of Texas. Last week, public prints of all party affiliations published despatches to the effect that this first blush had faded; that Dr. George C. Butte, Republican nominee, was offering "more resistance

*New Jersey, on entering the Union, admitted women to the suffrage provided they possessed $250. In 1790, this property qualification was removed. In 1807, when politics had become a profession, a law was passed denying the vote to women.

Keystone

TEXAS CANDIDATE BUTTE

"Ma" views him with alarm?

Dr.

than any Republican since the days of the Reconstruction." The reports held that the Republican Party of Texas is once more "a white man's affair." In the old days, only Negroes would vote for a "Yankee," as the Texans who wore plow-handle moustaches called the Republicans. Butte's party was said to have eliminated the Negro vote. Furthermore, though he has many times denounced the Klan as rigorously as Mrs. Ferguson, Dr. Butte was said to be backed by many klansmen as "the lesser of two evils." A university man, onetime Dean of the University of Texas Law School, Dr. Butte expected also to enjoy the "intellectual" support in Texan cities of Texan college alumni. The strongholds of the Democrats are in the expansive but scantily populated agricultural regions of the state. Democratic leaders pointed repeatedly to Mrs. Ferguson's impressive victory in the primary but continued to be reported, even in their own press, as "alarmed."

Campaign Notes

Frank R. Kent, able Democrank, wrote for the Baltimore Sun: "Beyond compare, this flaming old man [Senator LaFollette] and his two attractive sons present the one dramatic, colorful spectacle of the campaign; and the fight they make surpasses in ardor anything of which the others are capable."

Charles Nagel of St. Louis, U. S. Secretary of Commerce and Labor under President Taft, "a leader of the German-American voters of Missouri," said of LaFollette: "War hath no fury like the non-combatant"; of Davis: "No practical prospect for victory"; of Coolidge: "I shall vote for Coolidge."

My dear Mr. Coolidge-On July 8, 1921, there was submitted to the War Department, upon their invitation to the writer, an offer for leasing the Government property at Muscle Shoals.

After many conferences, hearings, etc., this proposal was amended on Jan. 25, 1922, in which form it is still pending in Congress. Inasmuch as so much time has already elapsed we are unable to wait and delay what plans we have any longer for action by Congress; and I am, consequently, asking that you consider this as a withdrawal of said offer.

Very truly yours,

(Signed) HENRY FORD And another letter left Washington: The White House, Washington, Oct. 18, 1924. My dear Mr. Ford-Your letter withdrawing your offer for the purchase of Muscle Shoals has been received. On account of the delay and probable shifting in conditions, I can understand how you may feel justified in not keeping your offer open for a longer period. I trust, however, that should the Congress conclude that it is best to restore this property to private ownership, you will

at that time renew your interest in the project. Very truly yours,

(Signed) CALVIN COOLIDGE

Hon. Henry Ford
Dearborn, Mich.

The Ford offer was accepted by the House (TIME, Mar. 17), received the endorsement of President Coolidge (TIME, May 19). Other Muscle Shoals bids now before Congress (and accepted by neither the House nor the Senate) include those of Hooker-WhiteAtterbury, the Allied Power Companies, the Union Carbide (TIME, April 28, May 12). Pending in the Senate also is a report from the Committee on Agriculture recommending a bill framed by the Committee's Chairman, Senator Norris. The Norris Bill (TIME, June 9) provides for continued Government ownership, gives the option of Government or private operation.

ARMY & NAVY

Too Efficient?

"No corporation," wrote Commander Jacob Stepp to the Navy Department, "can afford to juggle with the proper hygiene of its establishment."

Commander Stepp, surgeon of the U. S. scouting fleet, was making a special report to his superiors. The particular corporation he had in mind was the U. S. Navy. He questioned if this corporation was not "juggling" in permitting "maddening engineering competition" between its various elements, "especially when we consider the deleterious effects, on the health and morale of a selected personnel, of permitting a reduction of the standard allowances of heat, ventilation, water and light." Modern battleship design, as every one knows, seeks to eliminate waste space, waste weight, superfluous comfort.

At Yorktown

Off Yorktown, Va., the U. s. S. Arkansas stretched her gray length at anchor in the York River. Ashore, seven companies of Marines and bluejackets stood by, while two artillery regiments from Fort Eustis saluted the flag with heavy guns. Three military bands struck up. The troops marched. Officials viewed and reviewed. Among the speech-makers were: Governor Trinkle of Virginia, Brigadier General William R. Smith (representing President Coolidge), George A. Elliott of the Delaware Historical Society, Brigadier General R. Allyn Lewis of the Old Guard of New York, Captain Charles Nungesser, famed French ace.

All remembered, all were celebrating,

Oct. 19, 1781, the day on which Lord Cornwallis surrendered his sword to General George Washington and the American Revolution came to an end at Yorktown.

The afternon of Oct. 16, 1781, was cloudy. The sun sank sullen and red. With the night, came winds and rain. Stretched in a semicircle about Yorktown, American troops under General Washington lay in their earthworks, some putting back into service the guns of two redoubts that had been captured and spiked by a British assault under Lieutenant Colonel Abercrombie in the forenoon but recovered later in a counter-assault. About 300 yards away lay the British, in the inner circle of Yorktown's earthwork defenses. In the town, Lord Charles Cornwallis took counsel with his officers. North of them, the York River hissed and splashed as the whistling wind and driving rain whipped its surface. It was apparent to the British chiefs that they were bottled up. Their plan had been to fortify Yorktown as a base for the British fleet; but the French admiral, De Grasse, controlled all the Chesapeake coast; and now Washington was behind Yorktown on land with 16,000 men. Lord Cornwallis issued his orders. Detachments would attempt to cross the river to Gloucester Point; and, if the crossing could be effected, all would follow and there await reinforcements from General Clinton. Towards midnight, the detachments attempted a crossing; but the storm had risen higher; and all returned to Yorktown, hopeless, with the dawn.

At 10 o'clock on Oct. 17, during a heavy cannonading from the American guns, Washington's men saw a British drummer mount the enemy's parapet. His beating could not be heard for the cannon; but, when a British officer climbed up beside him waving a white kerchief, it became evident the drummer was sounding a parley. All around the lines firing ceased; the British officer was blindfolded and led behind the American lines where General Washington received Lord Cornwallis' request that hostilities be suspended and a joint commission be named to draw up terms of surrender.

The next afternoon, the British troops, decked out in new uniforms but with their colors sheathed, marched out of Yorktown between the French and American ranks lined up on both sides of the Hampton road. The British bands played an old British march, The World Turned Upside Down. field just off the road, a squadron of French Hussars were drawn up in a wide circle, into which the British were directed to march. Came the commands: "Present arms! Lay down arms! Put off swords and cartridge

In a

boxes!" Then the British marched back into Yorktown to rest before being sent to prison camps in the South.

But Lord Cornwallis-Charles Cornwallis Cornwallis, second Earl al (later) first Marquess of Cornwallishad not appeared at the surrender. He had sent in his stead General O'Hara bearing his sword to General Washington. When the sword was presented, General Washington bowed, but referred General O'Hara to General Benjamin Lincoln as the American representative. Back in Yorktown, Lord Cornwallis sat alone with his defeat. A florid, vigorous man of 45, "distinguished by independence of character and inflexible integrity," a gallant soldier and, before the Revolution's outbreak, a staunch opponent of England's colonial policy in the House of Lords he was too proud to accompany his troops in their hour of humiliation Upon receipt of his parole, he returned to New York, later to England, where, far from being censured unjustly as he might have been, he soon received a vacant Garter, the Governor-Generalship of India; later a marquessate and the vice-royalty of Ireland.

POLITICAL NOTE

A Faker

A Washington newspaper correspondent told his paper the following story about Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas.

Senator Sheppard and a friend were strolling down Ninth Street, the "little Broadway" of Washington, one evening. In a vacant store, a faker was haranguing a crowd, selling a book.

...

Cried the faker: "My friends, the most prominent men in America are availing themselves of the wise advice I hold in my hand. This very day, one of the most noted men in the Nation, the Senator from Texas, bought half a dozen copies. He is 120 pounds overweight and I have guaranteed that he will get back to normal."

Senator Sheppard nudged his friend. They continued their walk. Said Senator Sheppard: "It would be a fatal blow either to my colleague, Mayfield, or myself to reduce to the extent of 120 pounds. . . . The spectacle of a 40-pound member of the Senate would be a source of endless jest and the Senate has enough of ridicule. . .

...

REPARATIONS

Progress

Agent General of Reparations Payents Seymour Parker Gilbert Jr., youthful genie of finance," arrived in Curope. On October 31, he is to take ver his duties from the acting Agent General, Owen D. Young. He will ave under his control about $230,000,00-the major part of the $250,000,000 ue to the Allies on September 1, 1925.

The $200,000,000 loan to Germany nder the Experts' Plan (TIME, April 1), floated in the U. S. and Europe, vas fully subscribed in Manhattan and London in a "few minutes." Much the ame story came from France, Switzerand, Holland, Belgium, Sweden, Italy.

THE LEAGUE

Turkey vs. Britain

In the Near East, notorious for its ntricate problems and as the breeding ground of intrigue, a disturbing echo was heard.

The Lausanne Treaty (TIME, August 5, 1923) left undone one thing that t should have done: the settlement of the Iraq-Turkish boundary.* It was understood that Britain (holdng a League of Nations mandate for Iraq) and Turkey were to solve the problem between themselves; and, if agreement were impossible, they were to refer their dispute to the League. Agreement was impossible. Turkey set covetous eyes on Mosul, synonym for oil; Britain set faith on the adage "possession is nine points of the law." Turkey recognized one boundary line; Britain another. Result: Both became Engaged in recriminations because the one had invaded the other's territory.

Ismet Pasha, Turkish Foreign Minster, swearing by all his gods that Turkish troops had not crossed the boundary (i.e., the boundary as set by Turkey), warned the League, last week, that if British troops committed acts of aggression on the frontier, Britain must shoulder the entire responisiblity.

Premier Ramsay MacDonald of Britain, expostulating that British troops had remained on the Iraq side of the frontier (i.e., what Britain said was the Iraq side), requested the

The boundary line was defined in the Treaty of Sèvres (1920); but, as Turkey refused to ratify the Treaty, the boundary question was left unsettled.

OP&A

ISMET PASHA

He swore by all his gods.

League for an immediate Council meeting to deal with the difficuity.

The Council of the League informed Sir Eric Drummond, League Secretary General, that it would hold "as soon as possible" an extraordinary session to consider the Anglo-Turkish dispute.

COMMONWEALTH

(British Commonwealth of Nations)

The Coming Election

The election campaign which is to end at the polls on Wednesday, Oct. 29, began its display of oratorical fireworks.

Issues. All the issues, none of which is, per se, important, have been coalesced by Conservatives and Liberals into one: anti-Socialism. The Labor candidates stand on the record of the Government during its nine months of office and seek votes on the plea that the "unholy alliance" (Conservatives and Liberals) is trying to keep the Labor Party out of office.

Date. The fixation of Oct. 29 as the date for the general elections was made, according to The Times of London, to avoid clashing with the municipal elections, the date of which is fixed by law for Nov. 1.

Coalition. Much talk has been heard during the past seven days concerning a possible Conservative-Liberal coalition against Labor. For some time

Of this number, 32 candidates have already been returned unopposed, leaving 1,393 in the field. The unopposed were distributed thus:

Conservative Labor Liberal

Nationalist

Chief among those thus elected: Ex-Premier Baldwin (Conservative); J. H. Whitley, Speaker of the House of Commons (Liberal); T. P. O'Connor, "Father of the House" (Nationalist).

Manifestos. The following are excerpts from manifestos:

Conservative: "The Unionist Party is in favor of equal political rights for men and women and desires that the question of the extension of the franchise should, if possible, be settled by agreement.

"With this in view, they would, if returned to power, propose that the matter be referred to a conference of all the political Parties."

Liberal: "Sooner than keep to the paths of sane and careful government, in which the Liberals were ready and willing to support him, the Prime Minister has chosen to appeal to the country. Like Mr. Baldwin, a year ago, he yielded to the hotheads in his Party, who prefer to stake all upon an election rather than forego their cherished nostrum of Socialism in the one case and of Protection in the other.

"I believe that the country will reject all such illusory remedies, from whatever quarter they may be advocated. What it looks for and, from a Liberal Government, will secure, are sound administration, practicable reforms and freedom from constant appeals for its opinion upon fantastic proposals of the extremists on either side." (Message from H. H. Asquith to Scotland.)

Labor: The Labor manifesto was not published in the U. S. Premier MacDonald in a message to Reynold's, Lon