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to this phenomenal victory, I am most sincerely grateful.
"The result of the election has more than justified the profound confidence which I have always had in the political judgment and common sense of the British people when confronted with an issue of grave importance. In this hour of victory, I offer my grateful thanks to all who labored in the cause which we have so much at heart."
Future. The Labor Government was hourly expected to resign. Just as frequently, ex-Premier Stanley Baldwin was expected to be summoned to the Palace by the King and requested to form a new Cabinet. This procedure would obviate the passage of a no-confidence motion in the next Parliament, which meets Nov. 18.
What are the Conservatives likely to do? They will not make a government-guaranteed loan to Russia, but they are not likely to withdraw recognition of that country, having for so long been staunch advocates of the doctrine of "continuity in foreign policy." Despite the alarums and excursions of the new Opposition, observers found no reason to believe that the Conservative foreign policy would be any less conciliatory than that of Labor. In this respect, the Conservatives have had an excellent object lesson and, perhaps, they have learned it.
In domestic politics, the Baldwin Government will probably reimpose the McKenna duties (TIME, May 12), because they afford some measure of protection to Empire produce, the lack of which had disastrously affected the automobile industry of Britain. It seems established by the huge Conservative vote in Lancashire, home of the cotton mills and Richard Cobden of free trade fame, that protection is not so much of a bugaboo as was Socialism; therefore, a trend to protective tariffs is more than probable.
In the main, as Mr. Baldwin not so long ago remarked, Labor Legislation will have to be studied and, if necessary, revised.
The Singapore naval base is one of those measures that now seems certain of being revised.*
Significance. The great issue of the election was a fear of Socialism, expressed in the policy of the Labor Party. Socialism, at least for a time, is now a dead letter-an overwhelming body of the electorate voted
The Singapore naval base was a Conservative project, which was shelved by the Labor Government. It is important to bear in mind that there is a large dock at present at Singapore, but its accommodations are insufficient for many or large battleships.
"I find something better than the rights of men in the rights of Englishmen."
against it. An even greater body would have voted against it, had many of Labor's supports believed that their leaders would be influenced by the extremists.
But more important is the shakeWho up of the Conservative Party. did it? No doubt the "Shadow Cabinet" of all the talents. The fact remains that they have done for Conservatism what Disraeli did for it in the last century- they have modernized it; hence the oft-quoted epithet: "The Conservatives of today would have been the Radicals of yesterday." But in following Disraeli's tactics, they have reaffirmed his principles. The fight which Conservatives and Liberals have won against the Laborites has ended in a victory for the rights of individuals over the rights of the State. Disraeli put it more clearly when he attacked the Liberals: fer the liberty we now enjoy to the Liberalism they promise, and find something better than the rights of men in the rights of Englishmen." The Conservatives have made it: "We prefer the liberty we now enjoy to the Socialism they promise, and find something better than the rights of the State in the rights of Englishmen."
Otto Rothfeld of the Indian Civil Service arrived in Manhattan allegedly to lecture before U. S. Universities on
Indian affairs. Speaking of India, be said:
"The conditions are much better a the present time and will be further in proved by the Conservative Party com ing into power. I expect that Sir
George Lloyd [ex-Governor of Bombay] will be the next Viceroy when Lord Reading retires, which will be in April, 1925, if not before.
"The people of India generally do not wish to see the British Government relinquish its hold upon the country. They wish to have a little more to say in the local government, which is quite natural, but they have not the slightest desire to see their native Princes come into absolute power. There are, of course, the extremists in Bengal, who would stop at nothing short of murder, but they are in the minority.
"One of the strange things is to see how Gandhi has fallen from power. Now he is regarded in India as nothing more than a religious fanatic. That is because he has accomplished nothing.
"The business people in India are contented to go along as they are doing if they have a little more to say at the top in the conduct of home affairs. Conditions in the country are not really half as bad as the newspapers have tried to make them out to be. The trouble is that India has not been understood quite right politically in the last quarter of a century, but it is too late to talk of that now. All the people want is a bigger share in the home Government and they will get it.
"The English women who have gone out there have never understood the native side of the question and have caused a good deal of trouble for the officials of all ranks. There is a little unrest on the Northwest frontier as usual, but it was not very serious when I left India."
After the arrest at Londonderry of Eamonn de Valera, President of the Irish "Republic" (TIME, Nov. 3) the police removed him under strong guard to Belfast, where he was tried and condemned to one month's imprisonment, although the maximum term of incarceration prescribed is two years.
Mr. de Valera declined to recognize the court, referred to it as "the creature of a foreign Power"-the foreign Power being England. This made no difference, however, and to jail he went.
While under arrest, Mr. de Valera heard that he had been defeated as Republican candidate in the general elections. As a matter of fact, the 13 seats of Northern Ireland were all captured by the Conservative Party.
In the Quai d'Orsay, French Foreign Office, on the forenoon of a typical Paris October day, Premier Herriot made a momentous decision.
At 12 o'clock, the wireless apparatus on the top of the Eiffel Tower spoke to the world: "France has recognized Russia."
In a note, Premier Herriot had acquainted the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Russia) that de jure recognition had been extended by the French Republic.
In an acknowledgement, signed by Kalinin, Rykov and Tchitcherin, the U. S. S. R. voiced its pleasure with the action of France, suggested an immediate exchange of ambassadors.
The terms of recognition were virtually negligible. It was understood by the two Governments that neither should interfere in the domestic affairs of the other. As, according to the Russian Government, the Communist (Third) Internationale is in no way connected with the Government, the latter will, of course, not be responsible for the dissemination of propaganda in France by the Internationale.
All matters concerning debts, loans, property, treaties, etc., are to await discussion by conference of the two parties. Hence recognition follows the same formula as that laid down by Premier MacDonald last spring when he extended a virtually meaningless recognition to the Moscow autocrats (TIME, Apr. 28).
In the capital of Tsarist Russia (Paris), royal Russians and those loyal to royal Russians staged a demonstration protesting against the recognition of their enemy the Bolsheviki. Their plans were to run up the Imperial Flag on the old Embassy, but it was thought that they would be persuaded not to do so as such an act would inevitably bring them into collision with the Paris police.
Meantime, former Imperial Russian Ambassador to France, M. Maklakov, called upon M. Herriot to hand over the Embassy buildings. M. Herriot
told M. Maklakov that he was a private citizen and said that the Embassy was automatically the property of the Bolshevik Government; therefore, M. Herriot could not receive the Embassy and M. Maklakov could not give it.
Later, M. Maklakov requested the Papal Nuncio, Monsignor Cerretti, to hand over the building to the Bolsheviki. It was believed that the Pope's Ambassador accepted the mission, but
Prussia of Frederick the Great, every man was allowed to 'seek Heaven in his own fashion.' The same principle prevailed under the old Kaiser. But in the Germany of William II, no man, in his own fashion or otherwise, was permitted to go to the devil."
The Experts' Plan the Kaiser of Doorn condemns because it is "impossible of execution. It may temporarily mitigate certain economic ills, but it saps almost beyond recovery the patient's power of resistance. Germany under the agreement is compelled to sign her own death warrant as a free Nation.""
To His All-Highness the League is "too intimately associated with the Peace Treaty of Versailles. No such arrangement, no world court, can eliminate war. I detest war. I have kept the peace of Europe on at least two occasions, when the chances were in our favor, when England was engaged in the Transvaal and Russia in the Far East.'"
This kind of thing, of course, flows as logically and as naturally from William's brain as does milk from a ripe coconut. Real touches of the ancient Imperial and Royal bombast are contained in the following excerpts:
"In the final arbitrament both I and my people will stand guiltless before the Supreme Court of History and of God.'"
"I do not wish to abandon my reserve by mixing in questions of politics, to take sides, or to set one Nation or party against the other'" (as if he could).
"The Hohenzollern dynasty never desired world hegemony. Its scions did not even aspire to be masters of Europe in the approved Napoleonic fashion imitated by Poincaré. Two Princes of the house of Hohenzollern, Frederick the Iron and the Great Elector, refused the throne of Poland, stating: "We are German Princes. It is difficult enough to rule the Germans!" (Here the ex-Kaiser sadly smiled.) 'We have no desire to rule the earth.""
The late Woodrow Wilson, according to the Kaiser, desired to go down in history as "the greatest Englishman" of his time. According to His exMajesty, he "sacrificed American lives to the Moloch of Anglo-Saxon supremacy.'"
In the introduction to the article, some interesting facts are given about the present life of the "Master of Doorn":
"He holds in his home at Doorn every morning religious exercises at which are present his wife, his official circle and all his servants; these exer
cises consist of Bible reading and prayers. On Sundays, he conducts formal services and delivers a sermon on a text from the Bible. His correspondence further reveals the fact that his domestic relations are happy; his references to his wife, Hermine, display the deepest affection.'
The general election, which is to end at the polls on Dec. 7, began to make its thunder heard.
C Chancellor Wilhelm Marx, leader of the Catholic or Centre Party, opened his campaign at Berlin by attacking the Nationalists (Monarchists) and their demand for the publication of a denial of Germany's War guilt. Said he:
"If we strive to have the Versailles self-confession of War guilt annulled, we do so simply for moral reasons. It would be fatal self-delusion to believe that, if we succeeded in having that self-confession annulled, we should be liberated from the obligations of the Versailles Treaty."
The notorious Junker, Count Westarp, denied, with much heat, that he had offered ex-Crown Prince Friederich Wilhelm a Nationalist nomination for the Reichstag.
Count von Bernstorff, onetime German Ambassador to the U. S., informed the Democratic Party that he would stand for reëlection.
Only 14 parties entered into the election fray, being 9 fewer than in the election of last May (TIME, May 5).
Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz was thought likely to be elected leader of the Nationalist Party. Admiral Tirpitz voted for the Experts' Plan; and, if he becomes leader of the Party, it was said that the Nationalists would refrain from attacking the Plan during the elections.
An incident only faintly connected with the elections came to light when 27 Bavarian Generals declared a social boycott against ex-First Quartermaster General Erich von Ludendorff because the latter declared that ex-Crown Prince Rupprecht, virtual King of Bavaria, had played Adolf Hitler and himself false during the "beer hall brawl" (TIME, Nov. 19, 1923). Further, he had demanded that the ex-Crown Prince should appear before a court of honor to defend himself. The Bavarian Generals demanded an apology and were said to have expected challenges to duels.
General von Ludendorff has ever preserved a Ku Klux Klan attitude toward the House of Wittelsbach (that of Prince Rupprecht) because
WILHELM IV* "Immediately there was a free fight."
it is Catholic. "Ludy" is a fire-eating Protestant and pins his faith to the House of Hohenzollern. Nevertheless, he has had a remarkable following in Bavaria which he appears now to have lost. This seems likely to affect his chances of being reelected to the Reichstag.
The gentleman who is one day to become to all German royalists Kaiser Wilhelm IV-Wilhelm Friedrich Franz Josef Christian Olaf von Hohenzollern, eldest son of ex-Crown Prince Friedrich Wilhelm-had a chance to prove that he is made of the same metal as his ancestor, Frederick the Great.
At Potsdam, capital of German Monarchism, the Stahlhelm, Monarchist organization, came into collision with the Reichsbanner Schwarz-RotGold, Republican organization. Immediately there was a free fight in which the Monarchists were defeated and forced to flee. But in the middle of the scrap a tall, lanky young man with large, heavy fists began to use them with such good effect that the Republicans went down before him like ninepins. But the support he received from his comrades was scanty and soon discretion overcame valor and he too fled.
Only some hours later was it known to the Republicans that the tall, lanky youth was Prince Wilhelm von Hohenzollern.
*Wilhelm was the youngster at the right; his younger brother Louis Ferdinand was he at the left-several years ago in a sentry box at Partenkirchen.
In Volume IV, No. 18, TIME, NOT. 3, page 10, column 3, for "Labor Restoration, read "Later" Restoration. ITALY
A Promise Kept
Upon the second anniversary of the triumphant entry into Rome of the Fascist legions, the Fascist national militia, which for two years has been an extra-legal army owing allegiance only to Signor Benito Mussolini as the Dux of Fascismo, swore allegiance to King Vittorio Emanuele and ceased to be a purely party organization.
At Milan, Benito's home town, Black Shirts, as the Fascist Militia is known, concentrated in large numbers to swear fealty to their King.
The most spectacular parade was, however, at Rome. In the vale of the Aventine and Palatine hills, between the Colosseum and the Appius Claudius road, thousands of Black Shirts assembled. On every side were thousands of Romani whom the gorgeously clad carabinieri had the greatest difficulty in managing.
Cheers upon cheers rent the airthen there was a lull, occasioned by deepening interest not unmixed with curiosity. Three men appeared upon the scene followed by their retinues. They were the Ministers of War, Marine and Air. They had come to receive the oath in the name of the King. This the troops gave in the customary manner of the Romansthat is, with arms outstretched and palms extended before them. Henceforth the Fascist militia was to know a new master.
All this came to pass because Premier Benito was severely criticized by the Opposition at the time of the Matteotti murder for keeping a "party army." Having been morally forced to make a concession to the Opposition, the Premier decided to form them into a national militia rather than to disband them. Some months ago, he promised this (TIMF, July 7). His promise has been kept.
In Tokyo, a mere flame was fanned into an uncontrollable conflagration by a strong wind.
The fire destroyed 750 temporary barracks in the grounds of the Hama Palace. In those barracks lived some 5,000 earthquake victims. All were again made homeless, except those few who perished.
The cause of the fire was unknown.
Marshal Tsao Kun, President of China.
General Feng Yu-hsiang, "Chinese Christian Soldier," dictator at Peking. Super-Tuchun Chang of Manchuria, friend to Feng.
Super-Tuchun Wu, opposed to Feng and Chang.
Marshall Tuan Chi-jui, an exPremier, known for his friendliness to Japan.
Fighting in the Chinese civil war, which has disrupted the North for the past few months (TIME, Sept. 8 et seq.) was ended. Out of chaos there began to emerge a semblance of order, but real peace seemed a mere illusion.
Presidency. With the appearance of General Feng in Peking at the head of a powerful army, President Tsao Kun had no recourse but to resign the Presidency. He accordingly handed over his seals of office to the new Cabinet (see under) which then assumed the functions of the Presidency.
According to the Peking despatch, the ex-President, who has been in office slightly more than a year (TIME, Oct. 15, 1923), was still resident in the Presidential Palace. Complete freedom of action was accorded to him.
Meantime, preparations were in train for the election to the Presidency of Marshal Tuan who is, apparently, to become the puppet President of the "Chinese Christian Soldier." His Japanese sympathizers are now heralded with widespread delight, although such was not always
War. The defection of General Feng (TIME, Nov. 3) left SuperTuchun Wu in a virtually untenable position. Harrassed from the North by the advancing troops of SuperTuchun Chang, he conducted a retreat on Peking with the object of ridding the world of "Traitor" Feng. The odds were too heavy. Several times, military observers declared, Chang could have annihilated the Wu army, but he always left a loop-hole for its retreat by way of the sea. Finally, Wu requested an armistice from General Feng. The war stopped. Peace negotiations proceeded. Chang was reported retiring to Mukden, his capital, but this seemed improbable. Peace at all events seemed possible. Cabinet. General Feng requested the retiring Premier, Dr. W. W. Yen, to form a new Cabinet, but he refused. General Huang Fu, ex-Minister of Education, was then approached
and agreed to head a Provisional Cabinet.
LATIN AMERICA Cuban Elections
During the past week, Cuba was in the throes of a Presidential election, which was not unaccompanied by violent scenes, bloodshed and sudden death.
Latest results favored the Liberal candidate, General Gerado Machado, who received 178,166 votes to the 122,009 polled by Conservative Candidate General Mario G. Menocal.
Arrived in Manhattan, Plutarco Elias Calles, President-elect of Mexico, en route for Mexico City from travels in Europe (TIME, Aug. 18).
On Dec. 1, he will sit on the Presidential chair of Mexico which President Obregon has kept warm these past few years. At a dinner given to him by the Chamber of Commerce, Señor Calles, having eaten "busily of filet, partridge, salad and mousse," stood up to indicate the policy that his administration would follow. Enthusiastic applause greeted him. Standing with his back to the Stars and Stripes, his bulging shirt-front "full of chest," his chin sticking out "like a fist held in front of his face," the President-elect began: "Señores capitalistas," and continued in Spanish:
"I know that I have been pictured by certain of the press as a destructive man and without capability of properly conducting the destinies of a Nation. Let me assure you, gentlemen, that those things are untrue. My program is eminently constructive and eminently logical. I believe that Mexico cannot be a great country as long as it has 12,000,000 of human beings who have for several centuries been in perpetual slavery. To lift the moral and economic level of these men I believe to be a work of reconstruction that will benefit not only Mexico but all other countries with which Mexico has relations; because it is not to be doubted that with the awakening of the spirit of industry among those unfortunate people, the volume of business will be greatly multiplied; and then we shall have performed for our country the great humanitarian work that has been intrusted to us.
"We wish to establish cordial relations with all Nations on a basis of equality, on a basis of honor, and we ourselves shall make every possible effort to constitute a moral and efficient Government that will do away with the vices of former exploiters; and you may have the absolute certainty that the ideals we are seeking, the better
ments we are trying to effect, will not be an obstacle either to the development of industry or commerce, but will serve to strengthen the spiritual ties that must unite all countries in the world."
Having been appointed Ecuadoran Minister to the U. S., Señor Francisco Ochoa Ortiz arrived at the Capital, went to the White House, presented to President Coolidge his letter of credence. Wrote Señor Ortiz to the Fresident:
"Most Excellent Mr. President:
"I have the honor to place in your hands, Most Excellent Sir, the autographed letters of the Most Excellent, the President of the Republic of Ecuador, which bring to an end the diplomatic mission entrusted to my distinguished predecessor, the Most Excellent Señor Doctor Don Rafael H. Elizalde, and which accredit me in the high capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the Government of Your Excellency.
"In so delivering this letter, it afferds me great pleasure to say to you, Most Excellent Sir, that one of the main objects of the missions with which I am entrusted is to continue and make closer, if it were possible, the good relations which happily exist between the two countries; to which end I believe I may rely, without a doubt, on the most important coöperation of the Government of Your Excellency.
"In the name of the Most Excellent, the President of the Republic of Ecuador, and in my own, I make, Most Excellent Sir, the most sincere and fervent wishes for the growing prosperity of your great country, for the continuance of the success of the Government over which you ably preside and for the personal happiness of Your Excellency."
President Coolidge replied:
"The friendship of your Government for the United States, so generously expressed, affords me abundant assurance that you will so conduct the affairs of your mission as to advance the interests common to both Governments; and it will be my pleasant duty to cooperate most heartily to this end. . . .
"I thank you, Mr. Minister, for the friendly sentiments and good wishes which you express on behalf of His Excellency, the President of Ecuador, and for your own which you so courteously add. I shall be grateful if you will assure your Government of the similar sentiments which are entertained by the American people and by myself.
"I am happy to accord you formal recognition in your high capacity and trust that your residence among us may be a most pleasant one."
Mr. Galsworthy Appraises the Post-War Generation
The Story. The book is about several Forsytes and several more of their connections. Chiefly, there is Fleur Mont, collector of people-celebrated people, very modern people. In her collection was Wilfrid Desert, poet, who became much too fond of her. Here was a problem. Fleur wanted
him in the collection. On the other hand, she did not love him even as much as she loved her husband, Michael, Wilfrid's best friend. She tried for a long while to eat her cake and have it too. Wilfrid would deliver ultimata-demanding that she yield "now or never." Somehow, it never seemed to be either. He told Michael all about it. Relationships grew increasingly strained, until finally something snapped and Wilfrid left for Jericho.
The older generation is chiefly represented by Michael's father, Sir Lawrence Mont, ninth baronet, and old Soames Forsyte, collector of pictures. Catastrophe overtook these gentlemen through the Providential Premium Reassurance Society, known to its intimates as the P. P. R. S. Manager Elderson of the Society brought ruin upon it and then decamped. So they retired from the board with dignity and little else.
A sub-plot-in many respects the best thing in the book-tells of the tribulations of Tony Bicket and his girl-wife, Victorine, units of the inarticulate masses. Tony was caught "snooping" books from the publishing firm for which he worked and of which Michael was a member. He did it for the support of Victorine, who was suffering from pneumonia. Deprived of his job, Tony became a capitalist, investing all he had in rubber balloons, which he hawked about the streets. He and Victorine looked upon Central Australia as the only place where happiness might await them. On her recovery, the young wife, abetted by Michael Mont, went surreptitiously to work as an artist's model-not infrequently in the "altogether"-to earn passage money. Accidentally, old Bicket came upon her picture in an exhibition, and her secret was out. Followed recriminations, the man crazed with horror at her shamelessness. But a final confession of his own thefts for her brought them together again and set them on the way to Australia.
Much to the delight of the older generation, Michael and Fleur finally permitted an eleventh baronet to come into the world, and the final happiness of all concerned was only qualified by
THE WHITE MONKEY-John Galsworthy Scribner ($2.00).
the symbolic significance of a picture bequeathed by a dying Forsyte. It was a Chinese work, depicting a "large whitish sidelong monkey, holding the rind of a squeezed fruit in its outstretched paw." The picture is commented on as a perfect allegory. "Eat the fruits of life, scatter the rinds, and get copped doing it," says one of its observers; . . . a monkey's eyes are the human tragedy incarnate."
The Significance. Mr. Galsworthy's method has always been to propound
SCRIBE GALSWORTHY "Neither knows nor understands-"
a question, wrap it up in a story, present both sides with equal eloquence, and then not answer it. In this case, the question has something to do with the relative values of the post-War generation and those that came before it.
As fiction, this volume is not in its author's happiest vein. It is the latest and probably the least interesting addition to that formidable series, The Forsyte Saga. Mr. Galsworthy neither knows nor understands completely the society he is discussing. He is not himself a modern, and he is not in sympathy with modernism. Thus his study is lacking in force.
The Author. John Galsworthy is an Englishman of the old school. He is smooth-shaven, rather tall, middleaged. His chief works of fiction are embodied in the ponderous Forsyte Saga, a series of novels, beginning with The Man of Property-published 1906 -dealing with the lives and problems of a typical British family. Among his most talked of plays are The Silver Box, Strife, Justice, The Pigeon, The Skin Game, Loyalties.
THE NEW SPOON RIVER-Edgar Lee Masters-Boni & Liveright ($2.50).
The Spoon River Anthology was published, first serially, then in book form, just before the War. It consisted of compressed, ironic little dramas in verse-the biting epitaphs of the dead of Spoon River, the voices of the inarticulate suddenly articulate from the grave. It was variously welcomed, but always with interest, its powerful originality indisputable.
The War is over, but people are still dying in Spoon River. The foreign born have come into their own. Spoon River has become "a ganglion for the monster brain Chicago." An addition has been made to the old cemetery, to accommodate the ashes of the lately dead. The new names of the departed include such as Euripides Alexopoulos, Didymus Hupp, Saul Kostecki, Teresa Pashkowsky, Diamandi Viktoria, Yet Sing Low. Their problems have changed, too. They have become those of an age of faster transportation, closer communication of the city and the towns which draw their strength from the city. There remains the old keen irony, the uncompromising economy of expression, the free but careful technique. The book has not the importance of the first Spoon River-but only because its method is no longer an innovation,
CHALK FACE-Waldo Frank-Boni & Liveright ($2.00).
John Mark was a doctor and a genius, albeit a young one. He loved "Mildred, chaste as thought, Mildred, deep as discovery, Mildred, remote and imminent as truth!" Two things stood between him and Mildred-his parents' opposition to the match and a rival whom he had never seen. The rival was murdered under circumstances of which he was mysteriously conscious. Shortly thereafter, his parents were also assassinated. In both crimes, a strange figure with a white head was curiously implicated. John Mark began to feel that he himself was in some occult way guilty. He came to grips with the white-headed man, strove with him, conquered him-conquered his own embodied will,
This is no ordinary mystery story. It is a strange, bold plunge into the heart of man. The struggle of John Mark is the struggle of every man with his own will. The story is a weird allegory of the soul battles of man, a daring objectification of the subconscious. It is also an insidious pitfall for the unwary reader of detective stories who may stumble unsuspectingly on its tortuous analyses of the human intelligence. As an experiment. its courage and interest cannot be denied.