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(British Commonwealth of Nations)
At Whitehall, the seat of Government at London, the Labor Government went out and the Conservative Government went in; the Old Guard was remounted.
Resignation. At a Cabinet council held at No. 10 Downing Street, the Labor Government met for the last time, decided, as it no longer held a mandate from the people, to tender its resignation to the King.
Premier James Ramsay MacDonald was driven in his handsome Daimler into the courtyard of Buckingham Palace; three-quarters of an hour later he emerged. King George had accepted
the Cabinet's resignation.
Successor. His Majesty, accepting the advice of the retiring Prime Minister, then commanded into the Presence the Rt. Hon. Stanley Baldwin, leader of the Conservative Party.
At Paddington Station, a reporter presumed, in a question, that Mr. Baldwin had accepted the King's summons. The prospective Premier countered: "Is it not the duty of every subject to obey the commands of the King?"
A brisk whirl around the corner in a taxi and Buckingham Palace reached. Mr. Baldwin was immediately ushered into the Presence; and the King charged him with forming a new Cabinet-a mission which he was prompt to accept.
New Cabinet. A short walk down the Mall, then up the steps and past the Duke of York's Column and into Waterloo Place went Mr. Baldwin. At No. 1 Pall Mall, on the corner of Waterloo Place, he was seen to enter; for it was the Carlton Club, headquarters of the Conservative Party. Soon after, a stream of messages summoned the leading lights of the Party to the Club; and the following day, M. Ba'dwin began Cabinet-making. I'is choice, which was everywhere termed courageous:
Prime Minister, First Lord of the Treas y and Leader of the House of Commons: Stanley Baldwin.
Lord President of the Council and Deputy Iader of the House of Lords: The Marquess Curzon of Kedleston.
Lord Privy Seal: The Marquess of Salisby.
Lord Chancellor: The Viscount Cave. Chancellor of the Exchequer : Winston Spencer Churchill.
Secretary of State for Home Affairs: Sir William Joynson-Hicks.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Deputy Leader of the House of Commons: J. Austen Chamberlain,
Secretary of State for the Colonies: Lieutenant Colonel L. C. M. S. Amery. Secretary of State for India: The Earl of Birkenhead.
Secretary of State for War: Sir Laming Worthington-Fvans.
Secretary of State for Air: Sir Samuel T. G. Hoare.
First Lord of the Admiralty: Rt. Hon. William Clive Bridgeman.
President of the Board of Trade: Major Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame. Minister of Health:
Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries: Hon. Edward F. L. Wood.
Secretary for Scotland: Lieutenant Colonel Sir John Gilmour.
President of the Board of Education: Lord Eustace Percy.
..inister of Labor: Sir Arthur H. D. R. Steel-Maitland.
Attorney General: The Rt. Hon. Sir Douglas M. Hogg.
(For remarks on some of the above gentlemen, sce NEW BOOKS, page 11)
Compared to the last Cabinet of Mr. Baldwin, the present one shows a gen
eral reshuffling of offices among the same personnel. The only men who were reappointed to the same office excepting the Prime Minister: Lord Cave, Sir Samuel Hoare, Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame.
A number of new members were included: Austen Chamberlain and Lord Birkenhead, for long faithful to the Lloyd George Coalition; Winston Churchill, the prodigal son of Conservatism; Sir John Gilmour; Lord Eustace Percy, brother of the Duke of Northumberland; Sir Arthur SteelMaitland.
Those dropped: Viscount Cecil, son of the famous Lord Salisbury, better known as Lord Robert Cecil; the Duke of Devonshire and the Earl of Derby; the Viscounts Peel and Novar.
One notable inclusion in the Cabinet was the office of Attorney General which goes to that genial, chubby lawyer, Sir Douglas Hogg. (See Page 11.) Usually the Attorney General is not included in the Cabinet.
The new Cabinet is equal in brilliancy to any which has held office during the present Century. Not so much can be said for its leadership; but whatever Mr. Baldwin's shortcomings are, he at least inspires unbounded confidence. Although he has been mercilessly attacked for wrecking his last
Government on the shoals of Protection (TIME, Nov. 19, 1923, et seq.), little is made of the fact that he was the power behind the then Sir George Younger at the famous Carlton Club meeting which decided to part company with the Coalitionists. As such, he was more responsible than any other man in preserving to the Conservative Party its historical integrity as the political custodian of the Constitution.
Three of the outstanding appointments are those of Winston Churchill, Austen Chamberlain and Lord Curzon.
Churchill. Mr. Churchill can certainly be regarded as the Admirable Crichton of British politics. There is hardly a Government office along Whitehall that does not know his beaming countenance. He has been at the Colonial office, the Home office, the Admiralty, the War office, the Air Ministry. He has also been President of the Board of Trade, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Minister of Munitions. Now he is Chancellor of the Exchequer-a post held by his vitriolic father who, it is alleged, was so intrigued at seeing a decimal point for the first time that he inquired: "What is the damned thing?" It seems only a matter of time before Mr. Churchill is Foreign Secretary, Premier or Lord High Chancellor.
Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill was born 50 years ago, the son of the Tory leader Lord Randolph Churchill, who was a son of the 7th Duke of Marlborough. For a time, he followed in his father's footsteps and was a good Tory, but, in the revolt against Protection, he crossed over to the Liberals; and it was with that Party that his meteoric career has been identified.
He has been criticized severely for the Dardanelles fiasco, which has completely eclipsed his exceedingly bold stroke in 1914 when, on his own responsibility, he kept the Navy together after the Spithead review of July. Subsequently, as Minister of War, he made himself unpopular over demobilization.
While he has a great many friends, he has also a great many enemies. His appointment to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer was, therefore, received with mixed feelings, although his capabilities were never called in doubt. The Times, whose intelligent Conservatism is most to be trusted, welcomed the appointment. At least on the side of oratory, Mr. Churchill is a valuable acquisition to any Government. But The Morning Post referred to him as Mr. Baldwin's "coruscating colleague," said:
"We might be quite willing to endorse the parable of the prodigal son, even though repentance is somewhat more equivocal than we could desire and although not merely the fatted calf but the national cow is to be sacri
ficed on the altar of this reconciliation." Chamberlain. Most interest attaches itself, especially abroad, to the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs; it is by no means a superimportant Cabinet office. Be that as it may, Mr. Austen Chamberlain is preeminently the right man in the right place.
As favorite son of "fighting Joe" (the Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain), he was brought up to supply the deficiencies which the father lacked. Unlike his irascible pater, he is a mild-mannered man and he has the advantage, which his sire had not, of conversing fluently in German, French and Italian. His monocle, however, is a point of resemblance. Frequently it is alleged that the eye-glass is a piece of pure affectation. It is perfectly true that he was as fond of his father as the latter was of him and that he dresses with that neat severity which always accentuated the dominant personality of the first "Joe." It is quite untrue, however, that he apes his father to the extent of wearing a monocle; what is true is that, like his bemonocled forebear, he suffers from myopia in one eye.
For many years, Mr. Chamberlain traveled about on the Continent. On account of the position which his father held at home, he was received by the greatest statesmen of the time. At Berlin, he was admitted into the family circle of Emperor Wilhelm I; and there he met Prince Wilhelm, later to become the last Kaiser of Germany. He was also much in the house of the great Bismarck. In France, Premiers WaldeckRousseau, Charles de Freycinet, Jules Ferry were struck by his intelligence. In Austria-Hungary, Premier Count Kálmán Tisza and Count Gustav Kalnóky, Minister of Foreign Affairs for 14 years, and in Rome, Premier Francesco Crispi and Premier Marco Minghetti were his friends.
It has been said that the greatest hole in his knowledge is the lack of it concerning the U. S. This is not quite true, for Mr. Chamberlain is known as a student of U. S. affairs and has several times visited the country, the most famous occasion being when he acted as best man at his father's wedding-the third-to Miss Mary Endicott, daughter of President Cleveland's Secretary of War.
Curzon. The Most Honorable, the Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, etc., received, in the eyes of many, a most satisfactory post-that of the Lord President of the Council. Fears were entertained that he might be reappointed Foreign Secretary; and rightly enough, for as Disraeli felt about Lord John Russell, Nihil tetigit quod non perturbavit.*. But, as The Westminster Gazette said: "Lord Curzon could not have re*He touched nothing without muddling it.
turned to the Foreign Office. His rôle is to speak fraternally with foreign kings; and there are so few left that it is as well to lay him aside in purple and fine linen."
Even The Morning Post, in an ironical vein, philosophized: "He will fill the position of Lord President of the Council and leader in the House of Lords with the dignity to which we have become so well accustomed; and, if toes continue to be trodden on, we have the consolation of knowing that the injured feelings of a Peer are, after all, less important than the resentment of an ally."
The Seals. Following the nouncement of the new Cabinet, Premier MacDonald and his Cabinet marched to Buckingham and delivered their seals of office to the King. In leaving the Palace gates, the ex-Labor Ministers met the incoming Conservative Cabinet. Hearty greetings were exchanged, which further lends evidence to the fact that the relations between Conservative and Laborite have never been branded with that bitterness which has marred of late those between Liberal and Laborite.
In the Throne Room of the Palace, His Majesty received the Cabinet-designate. The time-honored ceremony of kissing the King's hand after receiving the seals, without which it is impossible to conduct the King's business, was observed. Premier Baldwin then led his Cabinet away to prepare for the music at Westminster.
The excitement was over until the opening of the Sixth Parliament of King George which takes place on Nov. 18. Premier Baldwin went on a visit to Chequers Court, the official country residence of the Premiers of Britain.
Bloc National Redivivus
M. Alexandre Millerand, ex-President of France, eyeing the Conservative victory in Britain, noting the Republican success in the U. S., decided that the time was opportune to make his entrance on the stage of national politics.
The manner of the entrance was entirely Millerandian. As President of a newly-formed National Republican League, successor to the Bloc National, whose birthplace was the Ba-ta-clan* and whose epitaph was written in the May elections, M. Millerand, backed by 13 of his faithful henchmen, stood not on the order of his coming. In language, pointed and strong, he denounced the Herriot Government in a carefully
The Ba-ta-clan is a theatre in Paris where M. Millerand made a famous speech in 1919 when the Bloc National was formed.
Princess Dagmar of Denmark left Denmark in 1866, at the age of 18, to marry the Tsarevitch at St. Petersburg (now Leningrad) under the name of Marie Féodorovna.
From 1881 to 1894, she was Empress of Russia as the consort of Alexander III, and during this time endeared herself much to the Russian people. After the death of Alexander she kept away from the Tsarskoe Selo (Village of the Tsar) and the Winter Palace, resided for the most part in Moscow.
The new Empress she had always disliked, principally because she was a German, and perhaps because she still harbored memories of the war of 1864, in which her father, King Christian IX, lost the duchies of Schleswig, Holstein and Lauenburg to the Austrians and Prussians. Later her abhorrence of the infamous Rasputin greatly augmented her detestation of the Imperial Court.
In 1917, after the abdication, she, like so many of the Imperial family, left the country secretly and returned to her native land, Denmark, where she has since been resident. When the ghastly news of the fate of the Tsar and his family convulsed the world with disgust and loathing for the Bolsheviki, she de
clined to believe that her son and his family were murdered. From that day to this, despite that unfortunate confirmation of the worst, she has remained steadfast in her belief that Tsar Nicholas still lives.
Thus, she will have nothing to do
Princess, empress, dawager, exile
with the self-proclaimed Tsar, Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovitch, first cousin of the late Tsar. To her, as to many Russian royalists, he is merely the thoroughly despised "Cyrille Égalité," the Prince who openly welcomed the Revolution after having plotted against the Tsar. With the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaievitch, first cousin, once removed, of the late Tsar, she is on better terms and it is said that if she favored anybody for the succession it would be he.
A Red Letter Day
Seven years ago* the Kerensky Provisional Government fell and the Bolsheviki seized power on the crest of a wave of slaughter.
In Moscow, the anniversary was celebrated solemnly, ceremoniously, peacefully, for three whole days. The city was draped in cloth of red. Not a street was there that did not exhibit a picture of Lenin, Karl Marx or Trotzky. Red Army and Red Navy recruits took the Red oath of allegiance to the Red Government. Red troops paraded the streets; the Red proletariat applauded. Red orators spoke thus:
Trotzky, Commissar of War: "We are entering on an epoch of aggressive
*The government of Russia was seized by the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd (now Leningrad) Soviet on Oct. 25, 1917. Last year, the Bolsheviki replaced the Julian Calendar with the Gregorian and the Bolshevik Bastille Day or Fourth of July was celebrated on Nov. 7.
development of American militarism which follows the same policy of expansion as pre-war German militarism. ... In reality, American capitalism and its militarism are the sole cause of the World's unbalanced state and anarchy. United States militarism is now rising as an offensive, unruly and destructive force, carrying by its advance bloody coups d'états and commotions.
"World Bolshevism is the sole real serious enemy of imperialism in general and particularly of the aggressive American imperialism. Hence the enmity of the United States toward Soviet Russia."
Lunacharsky, Commissar of Education, artist, littérateur, usually spoken of as a mild-mannered moderate: "I believe the Russian people and their posterity will always acknowledge that the Red Terror was the best page in Soviet history.
"If the revolution has not met with its expected response in Western countries, it has succeeded in Russia and is a living example to all the workers of the World of what can be accomplished by unity of the proletariat. The Bolsheviki do not lack humanitarian feelings, but the methods they employed in the revolution, such as the Red Terror, were absolutely necessary.
"I am sure that the revolution in the Western countries will come."
In London, the Seventh Anniversary was celebrated with Bolshevik pomp at Chesham House, whilom abode of the Imperial Russian Embassy, by Chargé d'Affaires and Madame Christian G. Rakovsky.
Invitation had been extended to Premier Baldwin, many officials of the British Foreign Office, the Diplomatic Corps.
The hour of the reception arrived. At the top of the famous staircase where the Tsar's Ambassadors used to receive the élite, stood M. and Mme. Rakovsky in front of a bust of Lenin. The first to arrive was H. G. Wells, followed by G. B. Shaw, Arthur Henderson, George Lansbury, Oswald Mosley, radical son-in-law of Marquis Cur
The Diplomatic Corps was represented for the most part by junior officials. Premier Baldwin did not appear. His absence was more than made up for by the presence of typists and laborers.
In place of the gorgeous toilettes and magnificent uniforms worn in the Tsar's time, men and women came in street dress, a few in evening clothes. The fashion among the women was said to be sweater, blouse, skirt.
in Austria, which recognizes Russia, the Russian Ambassador also held a
reception. All the foreign diplomats with the exception of those accredited by the U. S. and Rumania were present.
At the National Palace in Mexico City, Mex., President Obregon received the credentials of Mr. Pestkowsky, Bolshevik Minister to Mexico, heard him say: "Russia has been cemented slowly since the overthrow of Tsarism, but has maintained its independence and is struggling to bring about the betterment of industrial laborers and farm workers."
The President then replied: "A new era of justice is dawning for Mexican workers, who have been oppressed for centuries. The Governments of Russia and Mexico have similar ideals-the uplifting of downtrodden classes and the betterment of the masses."
joicings. Pictures of the baby Crown rrince were on sale almost everywhere; and in the same number of places peopie met to exclaim ". . . and he's got the reg'lar Kara-Georgeovitch nose!"
Nikola Pashitch, "octogenarian monocrat," became so obsessed with his power to rule the Balkans with an iron hand that his views, somewhat arbitrarily enunciated, were reported to have angered King Alexander, a determined and able ruler. Result : Pashitch, who was then Premier, resigned, having first advised a general election (TIME, July 28).
The King declined to dissolve the Narodna Skupshtina (National Assembly), a step necessary to the calling of a general election. Instead, he appointed Lubomir Davidovitch Premier. The new Premier was soon forced to resign.
Last week, the King capitulated. Pashitch was reappointed Premier. It was announced that the Narodna Skupshtina would be dissolved, a general election called.
Charles Evans Hughes is Secretary of State at Washington; and that fact was forcefully brought home to the Persian Government after the murder of U. S. Vice Consul Robert W. Imbrie (TIME, July 28).
True, the Persian Government made a full apology and ample reparation to the Vice Consul's widow (TIME, Aug. 11, Oct. 13). It even went so far as to execute one Private Morteza; but two culpables had their death sentences commuted.
This did not please Secretary Hughes. In the interests of U. S. citizens abroad, he wanted the remaining two men shot-and shot they were. The Imperial Persian Government that quite clear to the Government of the U. S. Persian-American relations became less strained.
The ingredients for one of the gravest crises of the Austrian Republic were a general railway strike and the resignation of the Government headed by Chancellor Ignaz Seipel, Catholic priest.
The railwaymen went on strike because they wanted more money, in the aggregate 250,000,000,000 kronen ($3.571,000). Herr Gunther, President of the Federal Railways, refused the men's demands on the ground that they were impossible to meet, owing to the
rigid economy prescribed by the Government in adherence to the League of Nations program of reconstruction. Unable to effect a settlement, Herr Gunther resigned as President.
The political side of the crisis was more complex. For months, in fact since the League assumed the overlordship of Austrian finances last year, public animosity to reconstruction has heightened week by week, largely because economy in the public services deprived some 80,000 people of their jobs. The enemies of Chancellor Seipel, who has held on to the State rudder through nearly three years of storm and stress, were not slow to take advantage of the situation.
Evidence of a political complexion was not lacking in the present general strike. The Social Democrat (Labor) body made relatively moderate wage demands; but those of the Pan-Germans (the Austrian Party which advocates union with Germany) were found to be exorbitant. This was taken to mean that the Pan-Germans, who form the coalition with the Christian Socialists, had gone over to the Social Democrats.
Chancellor Seipel did not wait to meet the National Assembly, but tendered the Government's resignation to President Hainisch. In a statement made subsequently, he remarked:
"This is a most serious situation. The resignation of the Government is not, as is surmised by our opponents, a mere bluff. The very existence of the whole reconstruction program is threatened. It is not merely a question of this strike which prevented us from remaining in office, but it is also the spirit of the people on these questions."
The situation was not without hope. Chancellor Seipel not only consented to "carry on" until a successor was appointed, but hinted that, if the workers came to an agreement with the resigning President of the Railways, the Government "could" be reëlected.
A King's Advisor
At Seattle, arrived Prince Sivavougse, son of Lord Chamberlain Prince Phya Sri Kridakara, grandson of a former King of Siam. With him was Dr. Francis B. Sayre, son-in-law of the late President Woodrow Wilson.
Dr. Francis B. Sayre, who is Assistant Professor of Law at Harvard, was married to Jessie Woodrow Wilson at the White House, the ceremony being attended by the Government and Diplomatic heads.
Since last year, Dr. Sayre has been advisor in foreign affairs for the Government of Siam and is now traveling to Europe on a diplomatic mission for King Rama.
An event, every bit as amusing as it was surprising, was the eviction from the Forbidden City of P'u-yi, *Son of Heaven, Emperor of China.
Acting upon the orders of General Feng, "Chinese Christian Soldier," soldiers took possession of the Forbidden City, forced the 18-year-old Emperor to sign a new version of the abdication agreement of 1912, wherein he was promised a life income of $4,000,000 a year, retention of his vast Imperial estates and his titles.
According to the new agreement, the Emperor's title and privileges are abolished; a commission is to be set up to determine what is, and what is not, national property; and his yearly income has been cut to $500,000 a year.
The object of the sudden invasion and seizure of the Forbidden City, wherein, before 1912, no stranger was allowed to enter, was not made clear. M. Karakhan, the Bolshevik Ambassador, was popularly supposed to have inspired it; Dr. Sun Yat-sen's name was also mentioned; some thought it was a desire on the part of the Provisional Government to seize precious treasures hidden in the City; most were of the opinion that the coup forestalled an attempt to restore the Ta Ch'ing Ch'ao (Great Pure Dynasty).
At the time of the seizure of the City, Marshal Tuan Chi-jui, prospective President of the Republic, was absent from Peking, as was the victorious General Chang, Super-Tuchun of Manchuria. The former, as shown by his attitude during the abortive Monarchist coup d'état of 1917, is a loyal Republican; but Chang is at heart a Monarchist. What would happen, therefore, when the latter heard of the happenings at Peking, not one Chinaman could tell another.
Meanwhile, it troubled the Emperor not a bit to sign away his vast revenues which have, for the past ten years, been sadly in arrears. He stipulated that certain sums should be used for the erection of factories for his Manchu retainers to work in, but apparently made no other objections. He was then escorted under armed guard to the house of his father, Prince Chun, brother of Emperor Kuang-Hsü; he became Mr. P'u-yi.
P'u-vi was born on Feb. 11, 1906 and ascended the throne at the age of two on Nov. 14, 1908, when he took the name of Hsuan Tung. On Feb. 12, 1912, the Repub lican authorities, kind and simple-hearted enough to wait until after the sixth Imperial birthday had been celebrated, forced the Boy Emperor to abdicate. Last year, on Dec 1, 1923, he married and chose the name of Henry for himself and Elizabeth for his wife.
THE WINDOWS OF WESTMINSTER-A Gentleman with a Duster-Putnam ($2.50).
Came, fortnight ago, a book by the gentleman with a duster. It analyzed, portrayed, epitomized British governmental character.
Baldwin. CHARACTER: "Here is a plain, blunt, simple-hearted countryman. . . . For good or for evil, his personality entirely lacks the flick of a cocktail. He is genuine cider. The small pinched-up eyes, with their uplifted brows, have the shrewdness of the shepherd rather than the sharpness of the merchant; the deep, grave, kindly voice has no note of drawing-room or art coterie, but the tone of a slow, pondering, decisive country mind. He is a man of action, but his activity suggests the fields and not the city. He is quick with humour and not a sluggard in the matter of wit; but both his humour and his wit never suggest the smokingroom and the dinner-party, but rather the open sky and a prospect of shining hills. I think he has something of the peasant's obstinacy and is not altogether free from a certain obtuseness.
. . . "Also it is said of him that while his heart entitles him to the respect and even the affection of mankind, the quality of his intellect is such as constantly to flabbergast his best friends."
BELIEFS: "And he cherishes the hope that it may be in the destinies of Providence that he should win for an enlightened Conservatism this confidence of the self-respecting workers of the country, and that at the head of such a disciplined and self-respecting party he should be able to bring Capital and Labour to a good understanding, and live to see the prosperity of his country established on foundations which nothing can shake-the British Empire the greatest power in the world for peace, justice, and virtue."
Neville Chamberlain: "He holds that the working-classes of the country are responsive to the imperial sentiment. The imperial relationship, he will tell you, is as real to the poor man as to the rich. The poor man may not have the same exalted vision of the imperial destiny as the educated and the traveled man, but he does feel in his blood that the British Empire is something to be proud of. . . . He is a social reformer. He would call himself a Radical, and would not be greatly discomposed if someone called him a Socialist. He believes that every generation is an
SIR DOUGLAS HOGG Quick with challenge.
opportunity for making things better, and that there are conditions in this country crying aloud for reform."
Hogg. CHARACTER: "I think it would be true to say that his intellect has a punch in it, but not his personality. It is the fist of Carpentier, but the soul of Joe B.ckett. One feels that if his intellectual equipment had been at the disposal of any ambitious politician it could not have failed to make its mark, and perhaps a permanent mark, on contemporary politics. . . . He suggests in his appearance that he would like fighting and dislike dirt. There is something military in his carriage and something pugilistic in his precise and vigorous face. He is also one of those men on whose clear and fine skin soap and water seem to produce a sheen or a glow, such as the manufacturers of a boot polish assure the world is a pedal consequence of using their particular cream. He stands very upright and square-shouldered, with a rather commanding tilt to his head, and a look in his eyes, when he is opposed, which is quick with challenge."
Lloyd-Greame. CHARACTER: "Philip Lloyd-Greame is unquestionably one of the ablest men now in Parliament, and one of the most eager and energetic. He has the economic facts of the British Empire at his fingers' ends, and his brain is a series of pigeon-holes stuffed with the documents of world trade . . . laughing at ant-heaps. . . . I regard him as a man of the very highest promise, and one who may yet do as much for the prosperity of the British Empire as any man now living."
SOCIALISM CRITICAL AND CONSTRUCTIVE -J. Ramsay MacDonald-Bobbs Merrill ($3.00).
A great deal has been heard in the British and U. S. press concerning the analogy of British Socialism to Russian Bolshevism; but hear what the exPremier has to say about Karl Marx, whose writings are the Bolshevik Bible: "Today, Marx is known over as wide a world as even Christ or Mohammed. . . . His writings, largely unread, are held as inspired. . . . The validity of his economic theories is more than doubtful; his historical philosophy is in the same position."
The doctrines of Marx are not accepted by the ex-Premier, much less the Bolshevik interpretation of them. Socialism for him is a communal democracy in which universal service is obligatory upon the people-to be performed by the people, for the people.
Here is probably the clearest exposition of practical Socialism that has yet been written, and, if the theory is overcharged with idealism, it is also permeated with lofty and religious concern for the welfare of humanity which claims for it a fair hearing.
GERMAN WHITE BOOK and PRELIMINARY HISTORY OF THE ARMISTICEedited by James Brown Scott-Orford University Press ($2.00 each).
Two books of extraordinary interest to the public have been edited for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace by James Brown Scott. These books are couched in clear, precise English and present the lowest common denominator of the German contentions regarding responsibility for the outbreak of the War and the conditions under which she signed the Armistice. Considering the enormous flood of propaganda that has been loosed by both sides to cover these two cardinal points in the history of the past decade, this concrete evidence is of more than academic interest.