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ARMY AND NAVY Sink or Swim?
A citizen and a taxpayer marched into the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia, last week, with a bodyguard of lawyers and counselors-at-law. At his right hand was Wilton J. Lambert, Washington attorney, centurion of the bodyguard. Such was the abrupt appearance of William B. Shearer, plaintiff-described in papers which his lawyers proceeded to file as a citizen and a taxpayer as well as a qualified naval expert and the inventor of a type of one-man torpedo boat, the Sea Hornet, sold to the Government during the War. One other person was described in the papers filed. He was Curtis D. Wilbur, set down as Secretary of the Navy and defendant.
Citizen Shearer is the same gentleman who, last spring, following fleet maneuvers, started discussion by a series of interviews in The New York Times in which he declared that the naval ratio of England, Japan and the U. S. was 5-3-1-with the U. S. last (TIME, May 12, 19).
Once more he emerges into the spotlight. He begged the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia to issue an injunction restraining Curtis D. Wilbur, in his capacity as Secretary of the Navy, from ordering or permitting the unfinished battleship Washington (one of the incompleted products left over after the Limitation of Armaments Conference) to be sunk at sea in bombing and target practice.
In support of his petition, Mr. Shearer urged:
1) That the Washington has cost $35,000,000 and is 85% complete; and, therefore, it would be a great waste to sink the ship as well as a "great and irreparable injury" to our national defense.
2) That the Limitation of Armaments Treaty is not in effect, was never properly ratified because of the "failure of France to ratify" in toto.
3) That the letter of the Treaty has not been observed by Great Britain, who is maintaining capital ships to the amount of 711,000 tons instead of the 525,000 tons allowed. This alleged condition comes about because the King George V, Thunderer, Ajax and Centurion have not been scrapped, as provided for in the Treaty, although the ships which were supposed to replace them, the Rodney and Nelson, are "practically completed."
4) That the spirit of the Treaty has not been observed by Japan or Great Britain who have continued to enlarge and improve their navies in ways not specifically prohibited by the Treaty.
5) That, as compared with the
navies of Great Britain and Japan, the U. S. Navy is "weak to a point of serious and alarming degree"-in fact, lags far behind the other two in strength. This point Mr. Shearer supports with
CITIZEN SHEARER He objected
a mass of detail similar to that given out by him last spring.
6) That it would be better to convert the Washington into an aircraft carrier.
The Court gave Secretary Wilbur four days to show cause why, the injunction should not be granted. Meanwhile, preparations went forward for sinking the Washington off Cape Charles, Va., without any marks of perturbation on the part of the Navy Department. The plans called for planting bombs in the water around the ship and exploding them in imitation of airplane attack to see just how well modern armament could withstand such shocks. After several days of such tests, scientifically conducted, if the Washington were not yet sunk, the battleship Texas would be at hand to use her for target practice.
At the appointed time, the Navy Department filed its reply:
1) That the Washington has cost only some $15,000,000 and that it is only some 70% complete.
2) That Great Britain is allowed 580,000 tons in capital ships until the completion of the Rodney and Nelson; after which, when other ships are scrapped, Britain's allowance will be 558,000 tons-a larger tonnage, within the rights of the Treaty, than the 525,000 tons allowed to the U. S.
3) That the Saratoga and the Lexington have been ordered converted into aircraft carriers.
4) That the other matters raised by Mr. Shearer are immaterial.
5) That the President has full authority to order the destruction of the Washington in any manner he sees fit: and that in this matter the Secretary of the Navy acts only as his agent.
6) That much valuable information will be gained from the tests contemplated, since the opportunity of sinking the Washington will show the effectiveness of the type of armor employed on the latest war vessels.
Summarily, the Court dismissed Mr. Shearer's petition. He entered an appeal in the District Court of Appealswhich will take about 20 days. Meanwhile, the Washington was towed out to sea to her destruction.
Wearing to a close in Los Angeles was the suit of the Government to recover the Elk Hills Naval Oil Reserve, leased to the Pan-American Petroleum & Transport Co. of Edward L. Doheny. Almost a year since the scandal began to brew, it is still sputtering-the Government trying to cancel the lease and make void the contract whereby the Doheny company tapped the California reserve and paid its royalties in tankage constructed for the Government at the Pearl Harbor naval base, Hawaii.
Still holding the stage was the black satchel with its famous cargo of $100,000 in currency, the alleged loan of Mr. Doheny to ex-Secretary Fall, the alleged bribe by which Mr. Doheny obtained the lease from ex-Secretary Fall, custodian of the Naval Oil re
Said Owen J. Roberts, counsel for the Government:
"It has been said that it was a loan. If it had been a loan, it would have been paid by check; but this $100,000 was paid in cash. His [Doheny's] son, the closest person to him, got the money and went with it to Fall. The public probably never will know the underlying reason for the tearing off of the signature from the receipt; but it was evident that Mr. Fall was not to be held liable."
Said Frank J. Hogan, counsel for Mr. Doheny :
"Is there any normal father in all the land who was going to bribe a public official and imperil his reputation and character, who would select his only son to carry the bribe? The selection of that only son was the very indicia that the man who sent the money had nothing in his mind which was evil or corrupt.... Does a bribed official give
or send to a briber a promissory note for the bribe?"
Even when this suit is ended, the affair of the oil scandals will not be over. There will be another suit against Harry F. Sinclair; and, after that, the final disposition of the naval oil reserves may be settled. This is only the second act. The country must not be bored yet, for the play is nowhere nearly finished. Unfortunately, the Senatorial playwrights put so much into the first act, made it so long and, in its way, so coruscating, that the rest of the drama seems in a fair way to drag.
It was no mere spontaneous decision that prompted M. Paul Hymans, Belgium's astute and shrewd Foreign Minister, to propose last week a new Triple Entente* with Belgium taking Russia's place.*
Already Belgium has an alliance with France about which Britain has professed some anxiety. With Britain's southeastern seaboard within shell-fire from the coast of Flanders, she has long made it a cardinal policy to protect the independence of the little kingdom. In Napoleonic times England warred on the Continent because of this danger, and for the same ample reason she again warred from 1914-18. The question which the chancellories of the world discussed last week was, will Britain agree to join the proposed entente in order to be better able to exert her protecting influence for little Belgium, or, in other words, to strengthen her hand on the Continent?
Premier Baldwin of Britain said nothing. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Austen Chamberlain was likewise silent, although he was said to favor the principle. Large sections of the British public joined with the French and Belgians in heartily welcoming the suggestion of His Excellency, M. Paul Hymans, Foreign Minister of Belgium.
A few days later, Viscount Grey of Fallodon, once Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as Sir Edward Grey, made a speech in Newcastle. Although Lord Grey has retired from politics he still wields considerable influence and what he said at Newcastle may be taken as an answer to M. Hymans:
"We will not stand for separate alliances. There is only one thing for which we are prepared to stand and that is the Covenant of the League of Nations."
The Reparations Commission, a body provided for in the Treaty of Versailles, its duties having largely been transferred to the organization executing the Experts' Plan, decided
"Thrice Lord Mayor of London"
to vacate the Hotel Astoria in Paris (its headquarters) and move to less pretentious premises. At the same time, the personnel is to be drastically reduced and no high salaries are to be paid. The cost of maintaining the Commission was well over a million dollars a year.
At Geneva, representatives of the nations of the world busied themselves in an International Congress, aimed to eliminate the illicit trade in the drug.
Japan staggered the Congress at one point of the proceedings by injecting into a motion, expressing confidence in China's willingness to stamp out the opium trade, a resolution placing the Powers on record as determined to abide by a policy of non-intervention in Chinese affairs. After a prolonged palaver over this and a counter-motion blaming China, the whole matter was dropped.
The only constructive suggestion advanced was a state monopoly on opium. Only by this means was it thought that consumption of the drug could be effectively stopped. Japan, however, differed and thought that the elimination of opium smoking could be effected only by registration and rationing of all smokers.
Then the question of opium import certificates was raised. Britain's representative said that she could not habitually recognize import certificates because of scandals over them in an Oriental country which he "preferred not to name." Japan took quick offence, said she was being discriminated against, virtually withdrew from the Congress, which was then adjourned
until after a larger and more importam general conference should have taker place.
At the general conference, which began its deliberations at Geneva, Americans present were: Representative Stephen G. Porter, chairman of the U. S. delegation; Bishop Charles H Brent, Dr. Rupert Blue, ex-Surgeon General of the Public Health Department, Edwin L. Neville.
(British Commonwealth of Nations)
Lord Mayor's Show
Last week, dressed in his black robes of state, trimmed with gold, and wearing the famous Chain of Esses (bequeathed in 1567 by ex-Lord Mayor Sir John Alen to the then Lord Mayor an his successors to "use and occupie yerely at and uppon principal and festivall dayes"), Sir Alfred Bower, member of the Vintners' Company (14th Vintner to be elected Lord Mayor), athlete and bicyclist, rode in state from the Guildhall to the Law Courts to be sworn in as Lord Mayor of London.
Preceding him rode in one long. gorgeous procession the representatives of the City Guilds, the Army, Navy and Air Force, the fire brigade, countless bands, etc. Then came the Cit Marshal, "an official chosen for his handsomeness," on a fine, prancing horse. Among the thousands upon thorsands of people who lined the streets to witness the show the usual commen's at the expense of the Marshall were heard: "E don't 'arf fancy hisselt. don't 'e," yelled a shrill female voice. "Chuck it, Liz," growled her young man. "Jus' look at 'is 'at." shrieked the damsel. The crowd looked; and although they had all seen it before, they broke into jeering laughter. And so it is year after year; yet these taunts are the outer signs of an inner satisfaction and pride; no Londoner would willingly miss the Lord Mayor's Show, rain or sunshine.
A burst of delirious delight heralde the approach of the Lord Mayor's Coach. This magnificent coach, buil in 1896 as a replica of the famous coach used since 1757, is made of wood,
The Guildhall is the grand civic hall of the City of London where the Mayor and Corporation have their Council Chamber ari where Kings and Princes are entertain Freedoms are bestowed and great City fun tions take place. The sombre building, dating from the carly 15th Century, is adorned b two gigantesque figures, 14 ft. high, of Gog and Magog, the mythical giants who were sup posed to have found their way into the King's service from "furren parts" and whorn Ainsworth made famous with Og in his his tory of the Tower of London.
ornately carved and gilded and hung from leather straps. Drawn by six horses, driven by two powdered, whitewinged coachmen and with powdered footmen hanging on behind, the gorgeous coach bore the Lord Mayor on his way to receive recognition from the Justices acting in the King's name. The Lord Mayor then returned to the Mansion House (his official residence); and, in the evening, the usual and historic banquet was given at the Guildhall.
The significance of this yearly pageant bound very closely with the civic history of London whose people have ever safeguarded with religious zeal their ancient liberties.
Before the Norman invasion, the Mayor was known as the Portreeve (porta. Latin for gate; reeve, Saxon for chief magistrate of town; cf. shirereeve, contracted to sheriff). So strong was the City at this time that the Great Conqueror placed special value on securing its voluntary sanction to his kingship.
The title of Mayor is popularly dated from 1189 (in 1889 the septcentenary of the mayoralty was held); but, in point of fact, the City did not become a municipality until 1191; and the title of Mayor must be put at the latter date.
It is alleged that Thomas Legge first styled himself "Lord Mayor" as early as 1354; but the title was not in consecutive use until 1540; and nowhere does there appear any record of a Royal Grant of the additional "Lord."
The Lord Mayor's show was incepted in 1215 when King John suggested that the Mayors should present themselves to him or to his Justices for the royal approval. On the annual pilgrimage to Westminster for this purpose, crowds followed the Mayor-elect who generally rode on horseback; gradually the crowd became more ordered, and a procession was formed. For some years, the Mayors-elect used to make the journey by water in a magnificent state barge; but, in the 17th Century, the practice of riding was re-introduced and continued until 1711, when Sir Gilbert Heathcote was distinguished by his horse's throwing him. From 1712 until the present date, the Lord Mayors have always ridden in coaches to the Law Courts to be sworn in.
Before 1215, the portreeves, bailiffs (Norman title for mayor) and mayors held the office for many years; but after that date, due to John's charter of 1214 to the City, the mayors were elected annually and were generally merchant princes. Thus, of all the hundreds of mayors-many of them great men-the one who is best known is "Dick Whit tington, thrice Lord Mayor of London."
Dick, so the story goes, was a noor
THE PRESENT LORD MAYOR "-delirious delight"
lad who found his way to London and was taken into the service of the merchant Fitzwarren. To rid himself of the mice in his garret-bedroom, he bought a cat for a penny. As it was a custom for all the Fitzwarren servants to send something of their own in their master's ships to make a little money, Dick was virtually forced to send his cat away; but the cat caught rats for a foreign king; and the king paid enormous sums for the cat; and all this money Dick received. He married his former master's daughter and became "thrice Lord Mayor of London" as the Bow Bells had years before proclaimed to him.*
As a matter of fact, such a person as Richard Whittington did live; but he was the son of a wealthy family and never lacked a gold piece. It is improbable that he was ever Lord Mayor; but on four occasions he was elected Mayor, i.e., 1397, 1398, 1406, 1419.
At the Lord Mayor's banquet (see above) in the Guildhall (the offices and Council Chamber of the Corporation of the City of London), Premier Baldwin arose to make the
There are several versions of the Dick Whittington story.
usual speech expected of British Prime Ministers on this occasion. Many times in the history of the Guildhall important political speeches have been voiced within its wall and have echoed to the dim, distant parts of the world. Premier Baldwin was at a disadvantage, however. Just reappointed Premier, he was compelled by custom to make his first speech, as such, before the first Cabinet Council had met. It was not, therefore, surprising that the Premier took pains to clothe his speech in vague generalities.
A revolt within the Liberal Party was incepted when Captain W. Wedgwood Benn, M. P. for Leith, wrote to a prominent Liberal newspaper: "I cannot acknowledge in any way, direct or indirect, Mr. Lloyd George as my leader in the House of Commons . . . The vital fault is want of trust. The people have no confidence, and rightly so, in Mr. Lloyd George."
This statement was made while exPremier Asquith, the leader whom Captain Benn prefers, was "journeying to Egypt to consult the Sphinx on the Liberal riddle," in the words of Austen Chamberlain, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The political significance of the incipient revolt is little, because most of the Liberals in the new House of Commons are faithful to Mr. George. If, however, Mr. Asquith should decide to return from Egypt to contest a Dundee seat made vacant by the death of Laborite Edmund D. Morel, and if he should be elected, the small Liberal group in the House may again become divided, as it was in 1922, under the leadership of Asquith and George.
Labor. In a manifesto, signed by ex-Premier MacDonald and several notables of the Independent Labor Party, Socialists were told that "our work now is to win the people for Socialism." They were also informed that:
"We must show that Socialism is not a destructive force, encouraging antagonism to existing institutions, but a constructive force making for order and true harmony, based on justice and service; that the Labor Party is the only Party whose program is founded on beliefs that will lead the world to peace and disarma
"While the Labor Party in Parliament is doing its work as the Opposition, the Socialists in the country must be educating the electorate and preparing the necessary organization.
Punches with Kicks
At Westminster Hall in London was delivered the first of a series of memorial lectures to be given in memory of the late Walter Hines Page, U. S. Ambassador to the Court of St. James' during the War.
The first lecture was given by Sir Auckland Geddes, ex-British Ambassador to the U. S., before 3,000 people. Lord Balfour presided, and Premier Baldwin and U. S. Ambassador Frank B. Kellogg were present on the platform.
Sir Auckland did not mince matters. He had come to tell the Nation the plain, unvarnished truth. He had come to deliver a much-needed punch and characteristically he hit with all the force of his intellect. Said he:
"Walter Page, before the War, was able to see that this great Empire, owing to its conscious diversity, was likely to yield more and more to a compact Empire. It is no use to pretend that America does not at this time profoundly influence us and the Empire. We know we have yielded the position of leadership to America in connection with the work designed for the higher service of humanity.
"The Dominions speak of us as the motherland and of our Parliament as the mother of Parliaments. I think that the insistence on the word 'mother,' which is affectionate in intention, makes that a tribute to something of old age, if not senility, in regard to our institutions.
"They look upon the Government of
Washington as of their own generation, and any one who knows of what the people of our sister dominions are thinking knows that some of them, particularly those who look out on the Pacific, feel that in Washington there is an instinctive understanding of difficulties which, when they come to London, they have laboriously to explain to Downing Street.
"In Canada, American newspapers, magazines and goods are all there; an invisible border divides the territories under the British flag and the flag of the United States. They pass and repass that border and play the same games with one another without knowing anything of the difference in nationalities.
"It often happens that when our Dominions look to us here there is no sympathetic answer, no understanding; and they look to Washington. And Washington is not devoid of eyes and will look back at them."
Such punches with such kicks both surprised and pained some of the audiIt was evident, however, that all had been deeply moved.
In a little Breton village, a peasant walked aimlessly about. His eyes strayed to a spot where men were busy loading apples into a railway car; and, at the same time, he perceived a familiar face. Where had he met this man? After some ruminating, it suddenly dawned upon him. Approaching the man,,, the peasant inquired politely: "Excuse me, monsieur, are you not Lieutenant Knätsch?"
Mighty proud was First Lieutenant Knätsch, who had come to Brittany to buy apples for making German champagne, to have his name and rank remembered; and he replied vigorously that his name was indeed Knätsch. "Good!" exclaimed the Breton. "I have a little account to settle with you." Thereupon, he set about beating the German; and if it had not been for the intervention of workmen the latter would surely have been killed.
The peasant afterwards explained that he had received cruel treatment at the hands of Knätsch while a prisoner-of-war in Germany..
"His Majesty" Cyril I, "Tsar of All the Russias," decided to convoke a "Crown Council of all Russian Grand
Dukes who recognized him as Emperor." At the same time, His Majesty appointed Grand Duke Dmitri Pavok vitch as his representative in Paris with Count Igor Sacken and Count Tolstoy Miloslavsky respectively as Military and Civil Counselors. These facts were published by Possledny Novosti, Rus sian newspaper printed in Paris.
The comic behind these grandiloquent phrases was that the "Tsar of All the Russias," known as "Cyrille Égalité" (TIME, Nov. 17), is recognized by only a handful of Grand Dukes. Last September, he took the singularly inconsequental step of proclaiming himself Tsar, as if Tsar, crownless and throneless, had any significance.
Her Majesty the Dowager Empress Marie Féodorovna, who lives in Denmark, disputed his claim to the throne in a momentous letter addressed to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaievitch, to whom she referred as head of the House of Romanov, thereby implying that he was the rightful successor to her son Nicholas. As she has never been able to bring herself to the point of believing that the Tsar was murdered at Ekaterinoslav, the question of the succession, out of deference to the Dowager Empress, to outward appearances has been a dead issue for the Grand Duke Nikolai. He has preferred to remain quiet and believes with his cousin (the Dowager Empress) that "our future Emperor will be designated by our fundamental laws in union with the Orthodox Church and the Russian people."
As a beau geste, Grand Duke Cyril's attitude is distinctly amusing; as a seri ous movement, it seems wholly devoid of sense. Meanwhile, it must be a source of laughing satisfaction to the Bolsheviki to know that the ranks of the Royalist Russians are so hopelessly split.