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can be passed by both Senate and House.
Like the Deficiency, the Naval Appropriation, and the Muscle Shoals Bills, the bill to increase the salaries of postal employes is left over from the last session of Congress. Whereas the first three remained over owing to the failure of Congress to function, the Postal Pay Bill remained as the result of a late Presidential veto (TIME, June 16).
The President vetoed the bill, saying that it would entail extra expenditures of $68,000,000 for the Post Office. One of his chief objections to it was that it provided no means of recovering this expense by additional postal revenues. Now the bill lies on the desks of the, Speaker of the House and the President pro tem. of the Senate waiting to be called up. In the Senate, it is delayed only until the Muscle Shoals question can be disposed of.
All groups admitted that, if the bill were called up soon, it would be likely to secure in both Houses the necessary two thirds vote to pass it over the veto. In the House, it is expected to pass anyhow. In the Senate, only three members voted against it last session; 32 must oppose it now if the veto is to be sustained. Under certain conditions, it is possible that this number can be obtained.
The President's strength in the election has won over a few members to his side. A few, for example Senator Curtis, the new floor leader, who voted for the bill originally, will reverse their vote because of better relations with the White House. Most of the Senators are pledged, however; and the only way they can be prevented from overriding the veto is by offering a substitute acceptable both to the President and to themselves-in other words, a measure providing for both the pay raise and an increase of postal revenue. Senator Sterling, Chairman of the Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads, is now preparing a bill of this sort.
The introduction of the revenue element presents a new problem-the question of which postal rates shall be raised. As an aid in answering this question, Postmaster General New submitted a report on the costs and revenues of the several divisions of the postal service. The report, prepared on the authorization of Congress, cost $500,000 to assemble.
The following table shows the gains or losses per year for each branch of the service (based on 1923):
Paid First Class Mail. Postal Savings
Deducting from this loss some items of unassignable revenue, the actual loss is about $40,000,000 a year, according to this calculation. The obvious thing to do, under such circumstances, is to boost the rates on services which show large losses-wipe out the deficits on second and third class mail and on registered matter. Then not only would the deficit be made up, but also nearly enough revenue would be provided to make possible the proposed pay increase of $68,000,000.
Second class mail, which is the big loser ($74,000,000), consists of newspapers and magazines. On the face of it, this mail is paid for at ridiculously low rates. It constitutes by weight nearly 25% of the matter handled and furnishes only a little more than 5% of the revenue received. It is a part of public policy, however, to grant specially low rates as a subsidy to the press to aid in the dissemination of truth and journalism and all the other benefits of the printed word.
Perhaps this consideration would not prevent Congress from increasing rates so as to wipe out, at least partially, the
second class deficit, were it not for the fact that the newspapers and magazines are run by human beings who very urgently resent any curtailment of their profits. The suggestions for raising second class postal rates have been generally confined to increases on the rates for advertising matter* on which publishers receive revenue; but the publishers are no whit appeased. Already, the press is crying aloud that it is abused, saying "the estimate of the second class deficit is too large" and "all other postal rates have been decreased since the War, but we still pay War rates." If the movement to increase second class rates becomes definite, the howl will rise in crescendo.
The Republicans in Congress are faced by a quandary: "We have promised the post office employes to increase their pay. If we don't, they will do for us certainly. We have promised to stand by Coolidge and economy-that means raising rates, second class in particular. If we do that, the press will jump on our necks. Oh, woe is us! Ah, woe is us!"
At Senator Sterling's request, Postmaster General New submitted a proposal for increasing postal rates. His proposal was designed to take only about $10,000,000 from the grumbling publishers, collecting about $66,000,000 additional from the mail-using public as a whole. Publishers at once cried out that even the increase proposed would be ruinous to many a publication. He suggested increase of rates: FIRST CLASS
Letters (now 2c. an ounce)-no change. Post cards-from 1c. each to 12c. SECOND CLASS-READING MATTER Newspapers (now 11⁄2c. a lb.)-no change.
Non-profit papers (now 14 c. a lb.)-no change.
Other publications-from 11⁄2c. a lb.
12, 15 and 25c. MONEY ORDERS
Increase of minimum fee from 3c. to 5c. REGISTERED MAIL
Increase from 10c to 15c. with 3c. fee for return receipt.
Packages up to 2 lbs.-no change. Packages 2 to 10 lbs.-from 10 to 15c. Packages more than 10 lbs.-from 10 to 20c.
When the Maine sank and the last of Spanish dominion in the so-called Western World had foundered after it, new title deeds had to be made out for several parcels of real estate. The U. S. took title to Porto Rico and several holdings in the Pacific.
The Cuban people were given title to their pickle-shaped island. With that done, the diplomatic title and trust company thought it had cleared up the contested properties. But one parcel had been forgotten.
It was a little island, about 15 sq. mi. in area, lying about 40 mi. south of Cuba, commonly known as The Isle of Pines.
Even so small a parcel of land was rediscovered in the course of a few years. In 1903, Secretary of State Hay negotiated a treaty confirming sovereignty of the island upon Cuba, a treaty which declared "this relinquishment on the part of the United States of claim of title to the said Island of Pines is in consideration of grants of naval and coaling stations in the Island of Cuba heretofore made to the United States of America by the Republic of Cuba."
Thereupon, Cuba assumed a de facto sovereignty over the island which has continued to the present day. President Roosevelt referred the treaty to the Senate for ratification, and there the treaty has remained to the present day. Every President and nearly every Secretary of State since then has reccommended its ratification. But the treaty has stagnated. Senator Lodge before his death arranged a place on the Senate calendar for its consideration. At last it is to be acted upon.
But now an interesting report comes from Washington. Senator Borah, now chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, will oppose ratification. It happens that a large part of the landowners of the island are U. S. citizens. They have complained bitterly and often of the Cuban administration. Mr. Borah expressed his objections:
"I cannot support the treaty for the reason I think it is insufficient to protect the interests of American citizens there. think they had ample justification for going there and did go in good faith, believing that it belonged to the United States. I do not think that the treaty protects their rights."
If the treaty should be rejected and
the Senate should instruct the President to take steps to raise the U. S. flag over the Isle of Pines, an acute situation would result. Cuba's Latin emotions would flare up. She would cry: "Outrage!" Our relations with
No one could take exception to his procedure
her would be strained. The effect of such action would spread throughout Latin America, where it would be seized upon as another example of U. S. "imperialism."
There is an ancient fable concerning a certain prophet, one who had married a wealthy widow, that he stood upon a plain and beckoned to an eminence before him, saying "Come to me, mountain." The mountain moved not. A second time he bade it: "Straightway come hither to me, sir mountain." And still the mountain came not. Thereupon, his patience unexhausted, he gathered up his burnoose, and with appropriate words, since the mountain would not come to him, he went to the mountain. All this happened many years ago, before there was a Congress of the U. S.
Now matters are in a different state; for if one person or a group of persons desires to appropriate a mountain, there is always recourse to the Congress. It is this method which has been adopted by the City of Tacoma. But there is this difficulty with the modern method: that, whereas no one could take exception to the prophet's procedure in his difficult case, recourse to Congress is likely to be attended by dissension.
In the last session of Congress, Senator Clarence C. Dill, a Democrat from Washington, introduced a reso
lution to change the name of Mount Rainier to Mount Tacoma. The Senate approved the resolution and it went to the House where it now rests in the Committee of Public Lands, which has asked the U. S. Geographic Board for a report on the question.
The matter of naming this particular Mountain goes back to May 8, 1792, when the British Captain, George Vancouver, on a voyage of discovery through the northern Pacific and around the world, set down in his journal that "the weather was serene and pleasant, and the country continued to exhibit between us and the eastern snowy range the same luxuriant appearance. The round, snowy mountain, now forming its southern extremity after my friend Rear Admiral Rainier, I distinguished by the name Mount Rainier." So it was known afterwards.
In 1853, one Theodore Winthrop made a journey over the Cascades; nine years later, he described his journey in a book, The Canoe and the Saddle. Therein he said: "Mount Regnier, Christians have dubbed it.
More melodiously, the Siwashes call it Tacoma-a generic term also applied to all snow peaks." Therewith was engendered a controversy.
In 1868, a saw-milling town on Commencement Bay was named Tacoma. In 1873, the Northern Pacific Railway located its western terminus on Puget Sound and called the place New Tacoma. In 1883, the Northern Pacific Railway announced that on its maps and guide books "the Indian name" Tacoma would supplant Mount Rainier. A powerful director of the railroad, who was President of the Tacoma Land Company, booming the new town, saw to the changing of the name. In 1890, the U. S. Board of Geographic Names composed of ten representatives-two from the Coast and Geodetic Survey, one each from the State Department, Lighthouse Board (Treasury), Engineer Corps (Army), Hydrographic Office (Navy), Post Office Department, Smithsonian Institution, two from the Geological Survey-considered and unanimously decided that the proper name of the mountain was Rainier. In 1917, on a rehearing, the same Board reaffirmed its position, saying:
"No geographic feature in any part of the world can claim a name more firmly fixed by right of discovery, by priority and by universal usage for more than a century. . . For a hundred years, the name of Mount Rainier has been used whenever the mountain has been mentioned in histories, geographies, books on travel and exploration, scientific publications, encyclopedias, dictionaries and atlases of many nations-by the United States,
Canada, England, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Russia, Spain and even Arabia."
But the citizens of the city of Tacoma were unsatisfied. They refused to call the mountain anything but Mt. Tacoma. Their representatives in Congress set out to fulfill their wishes over the heads of the Geographic Board. Not only was the matter taken to Congress, but an old-fashioned war of pamphlets began. First the Tacomates got out The Name. Then the Rainierians retorted with The Great Myth-"Mount Tacoma."
Said The Name:
"Admiral Rainier was an obscure Britisher who ravaged our coasts in the time of the Revolutionary War, robbed our citizens, killed and destroyed our people, carried away men, women and children, consigned them to the hold of his ship, maltreated and starved them to death and heaved their bodies overboard as so much common garbage.
"A whole carload of beer and finer intoxicants rolled in, in connection with the scandalous midnight proceedings by authorities in Washington 30 years ago, fastening the name Rainier upon the mountain, thereby prostituting this noble mountain to be an advertising agency for a brand of intoxicating liquor; such are the two things whose memory is perpetuated in this insulting name upon America's grandest mountain the British marauder's atrocities and a brand of lager beer.
"A shame, a burning shame is this to the lofty toned America of 1917 and 1918. A lasting insult to the men of 1776 who fought our battles and won our freedom for us. The writer is not a swearing man; if he were he would lift aloft the Henry Watterson war-cry in the late Hohenzollern strife and paraphrasing it devoutly cry: 'To hell with the name Rainier from Mount Tacoma.'" Said The Great Myth:
"Aside from Dr. Cook's fanciful voyage to the North Pole, no fiction of modern times approaches that involved in the movement to change the historic name of Mount Rainier bestowed by its discoverer, Captain George Vancouver, in 1792, in accordance with time honored custom, to Mount Tacoma, on the plea that the latter was the aboriginal name. The rank and file of the people of Tacoma are sincere and honorable-a typical cross section of the genus Americanus. They have been told-and are told dailythat the Indian name was Mount Tacoma, and they are ready to fight for it.
"The bitter and vindictive spirit in which the campaign for Mount Tacoma has been conducted has been detrimental to the cause and has resulted in the alignment of practically the entire State of Washington against Tacoma, not only in the matter of the Mountain, but in the way of sympathy and fellowship.
"Any person or any organization that opposes Tacoma's pet ambition is subjected to vilification and misrepresentation.
"It would seem that only a hysterical craving for notoriety is responsible for a monumental selfishness as huge as Mount Rainier itself. It looks like the biggest land grab since Noah homesteaded Mount Ararat."
Further, The Great Myth contends: 1) That Admiral Rainier was not an obscure villain. In 1778, as a lieutenant in command of a sloop, he captured a large American privateer after a hard action in which he was severely wounded; soon after he was sent to the East Indies, rose steadily in rank to Admiral, retired, became a Member of Parliament and died leaving one tenth of his large estate to reduce
the national debt of Great Britain.
2) That the name Tacoma was never heard or printed until Winthrop brought out his book in 1862; and that he either invented it or corrupted
Ravager? Robber? Marauder?
from some Indian word which he did not understand, such as "tkohph" (white), which his guide might have used in pointing to the snowy mountains.
3) That there was no brewery or beer in existence to bribe the Geographic Board in 1890; the brewery and the beer did not appear until some three or four years later.
The State of Washington watches the action of Congress with anxiety, divided against itself. If Tacoma loses, she has still the option of following the example of the ancient prophet: she may change her own name to Rainier.
Muscle Shoals Progress
For an entire week, the Senate struggled with Muscle Shoals and almost nothing else. And it was on this wise:
The bill before the Senate was the Norris Bill for Government ownership of Muscle Shoals-a bill drawn and supported by Senator Norris, Chairman of the Committee on Agriculture. But the bill discussed was the Underwood Bill for leasing the Shoals to private operators (TIME, Dec. 15)-a bill proposed and supported by Senator Underwood in whose domain (Alabama) the disputed project lies.
The Underwood Bill had the floor as an amendment by substitution for the Norris Bill. While things were so disposed, no less than 35 amendments were proposed to the Underwood Bill which was itself an amendment. All
these had to be disposed of before a vote could be taken on the Underwood Bill to determine whether it would supplant the Norris Bill. If the Underwood Bill should be voted in as an entire substitute for the Norris Bill, then Senator Norris threatened he would offer another bill as an entire substitute for the Underwood Bill. All this had to be settled before the Underwood Bill could come to a final vote.
Meanwhile, the debate raged as one after another, the 35 amendments to the Underwood Bill were acted upon. Mr. Underwood intimated that he believed a mild sort of filibuster was going on in order that the opponents of his bill might gain time to rally their forces and, perhaps, in order to keep the Postal Pay Bill (see Page 3) off the floor for a similar reason.
Sooner or later, the Senate will have to settle the Muscle Shoals question if only in order to dispose of the appropriation bills which are beginning to come through from the House and clog up the calendar.
ARMY & NAVY Naval Improvement
Senator Underwood, who had been giving the Muscle Shoals question a personally conducted tour through the Capitol, paused a moment to give place to Senator Hale, of Maine, Chairman of the Naval Affairs Committee. Mr. Hale promptly brought up a naval authorization bill passed by the House and left in the Senate last session. Senator King, of Utah, who blocked the passage of the bill last June, tried again to block it and asked for an investigation by the Navy Department. The Senate overruled him. The bill was passed viva voce.
So passed a bill which the Navy Department has long craved. It authorizes expenditures of $111,000,000 and provides for:
1) Alterations on the six older capital ships New York, Texas, Florida, Wyoming, Utah, Arkansas to blister them as protection against submarine attack, to strengthen their deck armor against aircraft bombs and plunging fire, to replace their worn-out boilers with modern oilburning equipment. Total cost, $18,000,000.
2) Construction of eight new scout cruisers of 10,000 tons displacement, carrying 8-inch guns, to be laid down not later than July 1, 1927. Cost each (exclusive of armor and armament), $11,000,000.
3) Construction of six river gunboats (for use in China) prior to July 1, 1927. Cost each (exclusive of armor and armament), $700,000.
The President is to have the right
*Blister" or "Bulge" is a device resorted to in remodeling older ships to protect them from torpedo, mine or bomb explosions alongside. In new ships many watertight bulkheads keep the ship afloat in such a case. In older ships, by building a sort of outer hull (the "blister" or "bulge") outside the regular hull, a similar protection is achieved.
to suspend building or alterations in the event of a new disarmament conference. The improvements on the six battleships are allowable under the present Limitation of Armaments Treaty. As for the scout cruisers and gunboats, they are also within treaty rights as no limitation is placed on ships of not more than 10,000 tons.
How badly the Navy wanted the passage of this bill was evident from a report made only two days earlier to the House Subcommittee on Naval Appropriations by Secretary Wilbur. This report was a veritable primer, explaining fully for the lay mind the fundamentals of sea power. Mr. Wilbur explained the nature and uses of the several kinds of naval vessels, showing how the power of a fleet is dependent on a proper number of all types, and then explained what the 5-5-3 naval ratio really means: that by the allotment of tonnage the American fleet would be stronger than either British or Japanese fleets in an action near our coasts (because of the distance of the latter from their bases) but this, in an action in European or Asiatic waters, our fleet would be inferior to either of the two because of the distance from U. S. bases.
"The great accomplishment of the Limitation of Naval Armament Agreement was not in the fixing of a definite ratio of ships, with its attendant economies, but in effecting an agreement making aggressive warfare across the ocean more difficult. That agreement made it impossible for any one of the great powers of the world to make a successful invasion across the Atlantic or Pacific."
In Chicago, the A. F. B. F., which means the American Farm Bureau Federation, one of the most influential farmer organizations, held its sixth annual convention in Chicago. One of the resolutions adopted commended President Coolidge because he "has been very considerate of farmer-minded men in his appointments of members of commissions and boards."
"Farmer-minded" is a good adjective, but it needs specific definition for the public. There is perhaps no better exposition of what that compound word means than the program laid down by the convention which used the word:
Muscle Shoals. Use of the largest part of the hydro-electric power developed for the manufacture of fertilizer, containing not less than 40,000
tons a year of pure nitrogen, to be sold at a profit of not over 8%, with farmer control to keep down the cost of distribution. This is coupled with opposition, on account of the delay involved, to the appointment of a commission to solve the Shoals problem.
Post Office. No increase of parcel post rates to provide higher pay for postal employes (see page 3).
Child Labor. Opposition to the ratification of the proposed Amendment to the Constitution, which would give Congress the power to regulate or prohibit child labor, because the amendment does not exempt child labor on farms from the activities which Congress would have power of regulating.
Truth-in-Fabric. Passage of the proposed bill which would require the labeling of wool fabrics with a statement of the percentage of virgin wool, shoddy, cotton, linen, silk which each contains.
Export Corporation. Creation of a farmers' export corporation, under Federal charter, with broad powers "to preserve the domestic market for the American agricultural producer at an American price."
When Samuel Gompers set out for Mexico City (TIME, Dec. 1), he went to his death. But his way thither was a path of triumph. He, with honor, love, obedience, troops of friends, entrained for the 50-hour journey from El Paso, Tex., under military escort. At Mexico City, he and his fellows from the A. F. L. attended the Convention of the Pan-American Federation of Labor. In his capacity as President, he presided. He also attended the inauguration of President Calles, who piled honors upon him. Yet his honors came at a price.
It was hardship at his age of almost 75 years to sit in the sun at an inauguration, hardship to sit in the heated convention hall. The altitude made him short of breath; and the honors that were heaped upon him were arduous. He had to attend receptions, luncheons, banquets without end. One evening, having retired early, he was aroused from his bed at 10 p. m. by two generals sent by the President to invite him to a banquet; and he rose and went. On another evening, though not feeling well, he refused to cancel an engagement to attend the opera. And afterwards he fell ill.
The Pan-American Federation was
obliged to close its convention without his presence, but, nevertheless, reelected him President. Señor Calles sent to inquire after his health at frequent intervals. Meanwhile, his illness grew. At last, he said: "Take me home." A train was procured and he was hastened to San Antonio, Tex. When he arrived, his condition was critical, although he was helped by coming down to the coast from the high altitudes of the interior. Telegrams were dispatched summoning doctors from Manhattan; his heart was very weak.
Yet, as he rested in a San Antonio Hotel, there was still good hope for him. Then, in the early hours of a morning, his heart refused any longer to respond to drugs. The doctor in attendance told him that the end was near. He slipped into coma and an hour later he died.
For the first time since the founding in 1886 (save only one year, 1895), the American Federation of Labor was without Samuel Gompers as its President. He had been a worker and leader of workers from youth. Born in 1850, the eldest son of Dutch Jews, he came to the U. S. when only 15, already a cigarmaker by trade. A year later, he helped to organize the Cigarmakers' International Union and became its first Secretary. He took part in the formation of both the New York State Federation and the American Federation of Labor.
At first, the latter was the rival of the Knights of Labor; but Gompers' policy of "one step at a time," of "federation, not unification" of trades unions, carried the field. Only once was he defeated for President of the A. F. L -in 1895, by John McBride, then President of the United Mine Workers; but the next year the organization returned to his guidance.
Once he was sentenced to jail for conducting a labor boycott; but, after a series of appeals, the Supreme Court held that his was not a jail offense.
In 1914, during the War, he stopped a strike of munitions workers that had been financed by Germany. He brought labor solidly to the support of the Government-which was no light task because of pro-German and anti-English sentiment. At the Peace Conference, he headed the Labor mission.
In private life, his manner of living was simple, almost Spartan. He married when only 17, had three sons and a daughter. His daughter died in France as a nurse during the War. His wife died in 1920. Two years later, at 71, he married a second time; and this wife survives him.
The War Department has been much concerned by the slow rate at which veterans have been applying for their bonuses. To be sure, claims may be filed until Jan. 1, 1928, but the veterans might be expected to demand at once whatever is coming to them. Of the 4,051,606 Army veterans, about 1,785,000 have applied. Only 64 have announced they will accept no bonus.
POLITICAL NOTES Season's Greetings
Cards received by members of Congress (handsomely engraved in Old English characters):
Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year, from the people of Porto Rico.
The Porto Rican elections held Nov. 4, 1924, are the greatest outrage upon American citizenship ever committed.
Fraud, violence, corruption, wholesale robbery.
When the time comes, please help to right the wrong.
PORTO RICAN ELECTIONS PROTEST COMMITTEE.
Senator Ball of Delaware, who is a physician by profession, will retire from the Senate next March, because another Republican beat him in the primaries. Nevertheless, he has a kind thought for the friends he leaves behind-a thought which he has translated into a bill to increase their salaries. His proposed salaries : Vice President..$25,000 (now $12,000) Speaker of the House 15,000 (now $12,000) Cabinet Members 18,000 (now $12,000) Chief Justice.... 21,000 (now $15,000) Associate Justices. 20,000 (now $14,500) Senators 12,000 (now $7,500) Representatives 12,000 (now $ 7,500)
When a dog's nose isn't cold, when a child doesn't like jam, one knows that something has gone wrong in the constituted arrangements of nature. Now and then, however, one observes a dog or a child without detecting anything peculiar in his behavior, yet one feels sure that, if he is not ill, there is at least something strange the matter with him.
So it was with the Senate. For the first ten days of its session, observers watched it and wondered. What was the matter? What was lacking? What made it seem so strange? Then a close observer discovered the cause. For ten days on end Senator Heflin had been silent. Not a speech had he made. In the last session, it was a rare day, barring Sundays, when the Alabaman did not make at least a 20-minute oration, or perhaps two such or maybe one of an hour and a half's duration.
For ten days he contained himself
His subject-whatever bill was on the floor-was almost invariably Republican corruption. Sometimes his colleagues left the floor, sometimes the press gallery was vacant, and sometimes, too, the other galleries emptied; but he always had for his audience the presiding officer and the clerks who scribbled the minutes. On them he turned the scorching eloquence of his denunciation of Republican weakness, wickedness and sin, preaching in the desert, of the Sodom which was Teapot Dome, and the Gomorrah which was the Department of Justice.
Able correspondent Frank R. Kent penned of him:
"A big man, tall, broad-shouldered, deep-chested, leather-lunged, he is one of the best rough-and-tumble stump speakers in the country and an rivaled story-teller. Not a profound man, not a polished man, not a studious man, he is shrewd, vigorous, alert and likable, with his humbuggery and sincerity mixed in about equal proportions. He believes in at least half of the things he says, which is a pretty good proportion for a Senator."
Now for ten whole days he had contained himself. The press gallery began to chuckle. His colleagues made sly remarks. But they were pre
On the eleventh day, the debate concerning Muscle Shoals continued with acrimony. An elephantine figure rose from the back, row of desks on the Democratic side. The Chair recognized him. Standing like a colossus above his fellows, he first declared that he supported the bill of his colleague,
Mr. Underwood. Then, with a gesture of his great arm, he opened the floodgates of his eloquence. All the dammed up speech of ten silent days burst forth, inundated the chamber. For two hours it flowed over the spillway of his golden tongue; when it ceased, his hearers shook their heads: "Ah, yes, there's nothing the matter with the Senate after all."
The President of the United States, the entire Cabinet, the entire Supreme Court (in robes), the Diplomatic Corps, the Senate, the House of Representatives, ceased their activities for a day in honor of a dead President. William Jennings Bryan (ex-Sec. of State), Robert Lansing (the same), David Houston (ex-Sec. of Agriculture and of Treasury), A. Mitchell Palmer (ex-Attorney General), Josephus Daniels (ex-Sec. of Navy), William C. Redfield (ex-Sec. of Labor), John Barton Payne (ex-Sec. of Interior), Joseph P. Tumulty, Bernard M. Baruch, Vance McCormick, Frank L. Polk, Admiral Cary T. Grayson, Colonel E. M. House, Breckinridge Long came to pay homage to a dead friend and admired leader. Mrs. Woodrow Wilson and Miss Margaret Wilson came in memory of one close to them.
Such was the attendance at memorial services for Woodrow Wilson, held at a joint session of Congress. Edwin Anderson Alderman, President of the University of Virgina, and friend of Woodrow Wilson, delivered a eulogy of the dead that was perhaps a bitter draught for some of his hearers.
Senator Underwood of Alabama, sponsor of the Muscle Shoals Bill before the Senate, rose in that august chamber to read an editorial from The Washington Herald (Hearst paper) which referred to the Underwood Bill as "Another Teapot Dome Thrust upon Mr. Coolidge."
Quoth the angered Alabaman, in language that he might have taken out of the mouth of his colleague, Senator Heflin:
"This slimy snake that crawls through an editorial column, bearing misrepresentation and slime, is too cowardly to attack the President of the United States and seeks by innuendo and charge to attack other people who are only carrying out exactly what the President of the United States has recommended."
Mr. Underwood demanded an investigation of the author of the editorial; and the Senate granted it to him by unanimous consent.