untary cooperation during the ceremonies of the day of those citizens who desire to parade with organizations, on the theory that in case of war they would probably enlist therein."

Governor Bryan then addressed a long inquiry as to the purpose of the Day, so far as civilians are concerned, to President Coolidge. The President replied in much the same terms as the War Department, saying: "A patriotic demonstration has been suggested to be participated in as desired by State and local communities."

John W. Davis supported his ticketmate by saying: "On the contrary, I think that the view expressed by the Governor of Nebraska to the effect that there is no necessity at this time to encourage civilians to leave their occupations for the purpose of engaging in what would only be a military demonstration without any practical educational effect is entirely sound."

Military Affairs. Military men were practically unanimous in praise of Defense Day. General Pershing, returning from abroad, stepped off the S.S. George Washington and declared:

"Defense Day was planned merely because we should find out where we stand on the matter of national defense. We have on the statute books wise laws, based upon our experience of war, and on all of our experience as a nation. These contemplate the organization in time of peace of a skeleton defense force that can be expanded in time of war. It is entirely voluntary and non-militaristic.

"The World War for us may be likened to a fire. We had to carry water in buckets to put out this fire. This has been a very expensive method. Now we think we have progressed and should have a volunteer fire department and a fire engine. We are now going to test the efficiency of the company and try out the hose we have acquired.

"We have been running to these fires with buckets for 150 years, but we now hope that preparedness will make this no longer necessary. I myself and every ex-service man is ready to go to the mat on this question of National Defense."

One of the Pacifist societies published an article attacking Defense Day, in which it said:

"It is the familiar story. General Pershing has been building up in this country 'silently and almost unobserved' A vast military machine. He is supposed by his subordinates to be itching o see how it will work."

And Major General John F. O'Ryan,

who commanded the 27th Division overseas, came to his chief's support, replying to the Pacifists:

"When you attack General Pershing on the basis of his efficiency in the field of military preparation, you are attacking him for properly performing his sworn duty as an officer of our Army."

It happens that Defense Day, Sept. 12, has a double interest for General Pershing. As Chief of Staff he is working for it as a consummation of his efforts to give this country adequate defenses. As a soldier, serving

"PLAIN JOHN CITIZEN"

He will go his way modestly in mufti

the nation, Sept. 12 will mark the last day of his military career. On Sept. 13 he will be 64 years of age and automatically retired from the Army.

This is the man who rises at 5 a.m., spends 15 minutes running or playing with the medicine ball, and repeats his exercises before going to bed. The result is that at 63 he retains his figure, his physical fitness, his disposition and his simplicity.

By the inexorable rule of the Army, fit as he is, he must retire on Sept. 13, at the age limit of 64. No more the khaki and the Sam Brown belt. Dressed like plain John Citizen, the baker, the butcher, the politician and the banker, he will go his way modestly in mufti. Ofttimes, doubtless, he will yearn for his military life, its punctilio and its élan. But the rule of the Army is inexorable, and John Joseph Pershing likes it for its unyieldingness.

LABOR

Recommendation

Samuel Gompers, patriarch of the American Federation of Labor, has long taken the attitude that the Federation is not in politics. That stand is an ideal for which he has waged and won many bitter battles. His belief is that the Federation may justifiably recommend to its members that they vote for given policies and for given candidates on the basis of their records. He holds equally strongly that the Federation is a labor, not a political, body, that its interests would be more hurt than helped if it became identified with any party-even a Labor Party.

Last week the Executive Council of the Federation, its highest body, assembled in Atlantic City in its regular session, which was, of course, private. In going to that meeting, Mr. Gompers announced that the Federation would cling to its (to his) time-honored policy.

There was considerable talk that the La Follette supporters, led by the railway brotherhoods, would seek to get an out-and-out endorsement for the La Follette Progressive ticket, thereby breaking the Federation's policy. If this was their aim, which it is now permissible to doubt, they failed. The Executive Council stayed close to its policy; but by endorsing LaFollette and Wheeler as independent candidates, by endorsing their platform, by denouncing the Republican and Democratic candidates and platforms, it threw its moral weight behind the LaFollette Progressive movement.

The National Non-Partisan Political Campaign Committee, a subcommittee of the Executive Council, issued its report, of which the following are the salient points:

Republicans. "The Republican Convention gave Labor's representatives a brief and curt hearing. The Republican platform ignores entirely the injunction issue. It fails to deal with Labor's right to organize or the right of the workers, even in self-defense, collectively to cease work. That platform sustains the Railroad Labor Board, with all that it means in the direction of governmental coercion of wage-earners. It fails to recommend

the ratification by the States of the Child Labor Constitutional Amendment.

"The Republican Convention nominated candidates unacceptable to Labor.

"Its candidate for Vice President is one of the most outspoken enemies of Labor and is the founder of an organization dedicated to the task of writing, into all political platforms, planks calling for the anti-union shop-an organization which also encouraged and supported the Daugherty injunction against the railroad shopmen."

Democrats. "Labor's representatives submitted to the Democratic Convention identical proposals to those submitted to the Republican Convention. At this Convention an extended hearing was granted. The Democratic platform pledges that party to legislation to regulate hours and conditions of all labor, a proposal against which the American Federation of Labor has struggled throughout its whole history. It is silent as to the injunction. It does not meet the Railroad Labor Board issue. On that point it is so equivocal that the enemies of Labor may well feel that their desires will be met. It, too, fails to recommend the ratification by the States of the Child Labor Constitutional Amendment.

"The Democratic Convention nominated candidates unacceptable to Labor."

LaFollette Progressives. "There remains the candidacy of Robert M. La Follette and Burton K. Wheeler-the first an independent Republican, the second an independent Democrat, running as such.

"These candidates have proffered a platform in which the economic issues of the day are met in a manner more nearly conforming to Labor's proposals than any other platform.

"This platform pledges a remedy for the injunction evil.

"It pledges the right to organize and collectively to cease work.

"It pledges protection of the rights of free speech, free press and free assemblage.

"It pledges abolishment of the Railroad Labor Board. It pledges a measure to annul the power of the Supreme Court to declare laws permanently unconstitutional.

"It declares for direct election of President and Vice President and election of Federal Judges.

"It recommends prompt ratification by the States of the Child Labor Constitutional Amendment.

"It pledges subsequent Federal legislation to protect child life.

"On international affairs this platform does not conform to Labor's proposals, but it does, more fully than any other political platform, meet Labor's views in relation to domestic economic issues. "We cannot do other than point out this fact, together with the further and

SENATOR CARAWAY

He jumped out of the rear seat

perhaps more important fact that the candidates, Mr. LaFollette and Mr. Wheeler, have throughout their whole political careers stood steadfast in the defense of the rights and interests of the wage earners and farmers.

"We call upon the wage earners and the great masses of the people everywhere, who stand for Freedom, Justice, Democracy and human progress, to rally in this campaign to the end that the representatives of reaction and special interests may be defeated and the faithful friends and servants of the masses be elected.

"Coöperation, thereby urged, is not a pledge of indentification with an independent party movement nor a third party, nor can it be construed as support for such a party, group or movement except as such action accords with our non-partisan political policy. We do not accept government as the solution of the problems of life."

Thus was the deed done. It had been anticipated, but it remains, nevertheless, the greatest success which Messrs. La Follette and Wheeler have SO far achieved.

POLITICAL NOTE

Arkansans

Recently Senator Joe T. Robinson felled with a fist-blow, on the Chevy Chase golf course in Washington, a fellow-golfer whose behavior displeased him. Mr. Robinson was suspended from the club (TIME, July 7) and later his suspension was made permanent.

Senator Robinson is a downright man. He is quite the Sir Anthony Absolute of the Senate-downright almost to the point of being domineering. Senator Thaddeus H. Caraway, Mr. Robinson's colleage from Arkansas, is quite a different type. His movements are slow, his manner is mild, his eyes twinkle, his wit is wicked, but he prefers to express it with a drawl rather than with a growl. And last week Senator Caraway got into a fracas. He was motoring through New York State, according to his account. His was at the wheel. Another car. driven by a man named Clarke, bumped into the Caraway car. Mr. Clarke declared that Caraway Jr. was at fault, demanded $10 to pay for bent fender. The Caraways declined the payment and drove on. Clarke followed. When the Caraways stopped in a small town Clarke got out, stood squarely in front of their car, refused to move.

son

"I jumped out of the rear seat," drawled the rotund Senator, recounting the incident in his leisurely fashion, "and then I bumped into him. It's too bad there wasn't a motion-picture camera around. It would have furnished some good low comedy. He evidently didn't think I would drive into him. He turned around, sat down on the bumper, rather sprawled out and I carried him half way across the street. Then he jumped up and turned off the ignition.

"I opened a jack-knife, intending to use it on his fingers if he tried to do it again.

"The next thing he did was to jump on the running board. I took him by the neck with one hand and slapped him as hard as I could with the other. By that time a policeman came."

All went to the office of a magistrate who sent them away without fines or imprisonment.

"I hope a wrong impression of Arkansas won't get abroad," Mr. Caraway lamented, with the usual twinkle in his eye. "Honestly, we are a mid people. These things just happened to happen."

INTERNATIONAL

Premiers' Conference

The deadlock, which the delegates to the Premiers' Conference in London managed to keep dead and locked for a considerable time, was at length vivified and unlocked: full agreement was reached by the Conference on all points on the program for operating the Experts' Reparations Plan.*

After the plenary session of the Conference was over, Premier MacDonald of Britain rose, grasped the hand of Premier Herriot of France, and with a smile said: "Now we are all agreed, Satan alone can separate us. Now, if you will allow me, I am going to send the invitation to the Germans."

Then followed an orgy of handshakes and congratulations. British official circles regarded the day as "the most satisfactory since the opening of the Conference." James A. Logan Jr., U. S. unofficial observer in the Reparations Commission, present at the Conference, went one better. Said he: "The Conference is the biggest success of all Allied gatherings since Versailles."

After 18 days of work, the agreement reached was, in its main points, substantially as follows:

Defaults. The question of a possible German default under the Experts' Plan was one of the great stumbling blocks to the proceedings of the Conference. Bankers who were concerned with the floating of an international loan of $200,000,000 for Germany, as provided for in the Experts' Plan, expressed the opinion that there was no tangible security for the loan (TIME, Aug. 4). Premier Herriot was obdurate in claiming France's right under the Treaty of Versailles to independent action in case of default.

com

The conference agreed to a promise designed to satisfy everyone. It was agreed:

1) To empower the Reparations Commis. sion to declare Germany in default and to permit it to make such recommendations as to the actions to be taken that it thinks the circumstances necessitate.

2) To allow any member of the Reparations Commission to lodge an appeal from a ma jority decision of the Commission within eight days to an Arbitral Commission (see under), whose decision shall be final.

3) To empower the Reparations Commission to appoint unanimously the members of

'The Experts' Plan can best be summarized by stating that it is a method of encouraging Germany to pay the reparations bill for the War by admitting her on equal terms into an international business compact, under which the creditor nations hold mortgages on Germany's wealth.

the Arbitral Commission for a period of five years. Failing such unanimity, the power of appointment is to be vested in the President of the Permanent Court of International Justice. The President of the Arbitral Commission must be a citizen of the U. S.

4) That all Powers signatory to the agree ment must pledge themselves not to take sanctions (seizure penalties) in Germany unless default has been declared under paragraphs 1 and 2 above.

5) That the signatory Powers will confer upon the nature of the sanctions to be inflicted and the method of rapidly and effectively applying them.

6) That, to safeguard the investors of the $200,000,000 loan to Germany, the Powers will engage themselves not to take sanctions that will in any way imperil securities pledged to the service of the loan. And that the Powers will consider the loan entitled to absolute priority on any German resources.

7) That unless otherwise expressly stipu lated in the above paragraphs all the existing rights of signatory Powers under the Treaty of Versailles are reserved.

Transfer Committee. The second batch of problems which nearly wrecked the Conference was concerned with the transfer of reparations by debtor Germany to creditor Allies. These problems were only accepted by the Conference at one minute before the twelfth hour and took the form of resolutions which were highly technical in composition. Summed up, they laid down rules for the regulation of relations between the Transfer Committee, which is to act as receiver of reparations, and the German Government, which is to facilitate the delivery of reparations, as provided for in the Experts' Plan, or which may be provided for by mutual agreement.

It was also decided to add a U. S. citizen to the Reparations Commission with power to vote, his appointment to be made by the unanimous vote of the Commission, or, failing such accord, by the President of the Permanent Court of International Justice.

Germans. Premier MacDonald's invitation was received and immediately accepted by the German Government. The chief delegates chosen to attend the Conference: Chancellor Wilhelm Marx, Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, Minister of Finance Dr. Luther. It will be the first conference that Germany has attended on an equal footing with the Allied and Associated Powers since the conclusion of hostilities in 1918.

agree with little difficulty to the main provisions of the Allied Concord as above detailed. Even when final agreement in the Conference has been reached, much will depend upon the attitude of the Parliaments of the various countries represented. They will have the power to undo all that has been done.

COMMONWEALTH

(British Commonwealth of Nations) Parliament's Week

House of Commons. Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Snowden announced to the House that the Government intended to promote the home production of beet sugar by granting a subsidy of 19 shillings and sixpence about $4.25-per hundredweight (112 lbs.)-to the industry.

J. H. Thomas, Secretary of State for the Colonies, informed the House that the system of dominion representation at the Premiers' Conference had been most unsatisfactory, and that the Government proposed to call a Commonwealth conference in or about October to settle the procedure of giving the Dominions an effective voice in the Commonwealth's foreign policy.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer outlined the Government's plan for dealing with unemployment. The projects embraced electrification of railways, building of new drainage works, reforestation of 50,000 acres of land, a plan to cheapen electric power, etc. The whole project is eventually to cost the taxpayer about $350,000,000.

A future international arms parley was again made subject of a discussion, C. G. Ammon, Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty, answering a question on the Government's naval construction policy, stated that the Cabinet still held to its intention of calling a conference as soon as a favorable opportunity presented itself; that the Government would, if it received no support, continue with the building of the Singapore base (TIME, Dec. 24). House of Lords. Their Lordships were somewhat disturbed by violent thunderstorm and a leak in the roof above the Strangers' Gallery. Plumbers were on strike, so a bucket brigade was formed, to prevent the floor of the chamber, in which a discussion of the budget was in progress, from being flooded. Their Lordships' toes were thus kept dry.

a

Picture Pow-Wow

Certain M.P.'s were astonished to find a portait of Lady Astor by the renowned artist, Sims, hanging on the wall by the House of Commons staircase. This picture shows the first lady M.P. being introduced into Parliament by ex-Premiers Arthur Balfour (now Lord Balfour) and David L. George. In the Distinguished Stangers' Gallery are seated, with appreciative smiles, Lord Astor and John W. Davis, erstwhile U. S. Ambassador to Britain, now Democratic nominee for the Presidency of the U. S.

Strange murmurs were heard among the masculine members of the House. One hundred M.P.'s, male, signed a petition to Premier MacDonald asking that pictures of living subjects of His Majesty should not be hung in the Houses of Parliament without Parliament's consent.

In the Chamber of the House, the 30ft murmurs grew to audible agitation. Thomas Johnston, Laborite, asked by whose authority the picture had been hung. The Right Hon. F. W. Jowett, First Commissioner of Works, answered that permission to hang the picture was given by his Conservative predecessor, Sir John Baird. He assured the House that its present position could not be regarded as permanent and that members would be given an opportunity to express their approval or disapproval before a final decision was reached.

Considerable commotion was provoked by these statements-some M.P.'s championing Lady Astor, others openly against her. Finally, the discussion was ended by Premier MacDonald, who said: "Obviously, this is a matter which ought to be dealt with in the most decent and proper way possible. We will do our best to do that."

The press was divided in its sentiments. The most pertinent comment came from "Londoner," who conducts a column, known as "Daily Causerie," in The Evening Standard. Said he: "Why not have Lloyd George introducing the people's budget in 1909 or Lord Birkenhead's first speech in Commons in 1906? Surely Miss Margaret Bondfield taking her seat on the front bench as the first woman member of the Government would be an even better subject for painting.

"The whole business strikes me as a piece of preposterous vanity. On looking at the picture, I perceive some strange details in it. Lord Astor is portrayed sitting in the gallery. Is it not very unfair to leave out the children from this apotheosis of the House of Astor? They would have been just

as much interested as their father. The American Ambassador also beams on the scene alone. Why omit the rest of the diplomatic corps?"

At her home in Plymouth, Lady Astor, formerly Nancy Langhorne, made the following statment:

"It is a matter of indifference to me whether they decide to keep my portrait in Parliament or not. I did not ask that it be put there. My husband consulted with the Speaker of the House of Commons and they arranged the matter before I had thought of it. I believe the women of England would like a portrait of me to be there. It is a pity that the matter has been raised at a moment when the members of the American bar are here and they expressed pleasure at seeing the picture there. I don't give 'tuppence' whether it is put up or not. The House can 'do exactly as it likes."

Her spouse in London declared that he had made no attempt to "slip" the picture into the House of Commons. He had enquired of those responsible if the proposed picture would be acceptable, considering that other historic scenes connected with the growth of Parliament had been recorded on the walls of the House. The proposed picture was accepted and he commissioned Sims, executor of a recent regal atrocity (TIME, July 14, ART) to paint the He stated, moreover, that Lady Astor had had nothing to do with the matter, had even opposed it.

scene.

Naval Appointment

Admiral Sir Charles E. Madden (G. C. B., G. C. V. O., K. C. M. G., C. V. O., A. D. C.), erstwhile Commanderin-Chief of the Atlantic Fleet, was promoted to the rank of Admiral of the Fleet, the highest rank in the Royal Navy.

Sir Charles has had a brilliant naval career. He served with distinction in the Battle of Jutland, was, for two years (1914-16), Chief-of-Staff to Admiral of the Fleet Sir John R. Jellicoe, was second in command (1917) to Admiral Sir David Beatty, the then Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet. Since 1922 he has been First and Principal Naval A. D. C. to the King.

Among his numerous decorations is the Order of the Striped Tiger of China, First Class.

New Irish Crisis

For some time the Irish Free State has pressed for the delimitation of the boundary between its territory and that of Northern Ireland. The Irish Free

State Agreement Act of 1922 stipulated for the establishment of a Boundary Commission for this purpose (TIME May 5). The Free State and British Governments were ready with their rep resentatives, but Northern Ireland claimed she was not a party to the 1922 agreement, that the boundary had already been fixed by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920; she resolutely declined to be represented on the Commission.

Matters having thus reached an inpasse, the whole question of Northern Ireland's representation was sent t the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which reported to the King that, as Northern Ireland declined to appoint a representative, the vacant place could not be filled by the Imperial Government without Parliament's authorization.

In the House of Commons, Secre tary of State for the Colonies J. H Thomas said: "The Government [British] earnestly hopes that the Government of Northern Ireland will see its way to appoint a representative on the Boundary Commission, but if that hope is not fulfilled the Government proposes forthwith to introduce legisla tion to give effect to the undoubted intention of the treaty and to press its passage, regardless of consequences to itself."

He said that the bill would not be in troduced until the Government had conferred with President Cosgrave of the Free State and Premier Sir James Craig of Northern Ireland. He hoped for some result from the Conference. he declared; "not merely the honor of His Majesty's Government, but the honor of this country is involved i seeing that the obligation, definitely imposed upon the United Kingdom by the treaty, is fulfilled in spirit and letter, and my colleagues and I are not prepared to omit any step which is, according to our view, necessary to place the good faith of Parliament and of the British people beyond question."

Ex-Premier George, in a spirited speech, welcomed the announcement, said that the Government could count on his and his colleagues' support, which is enough to ensure passage of the bill.

The Conservatives pressed effective ly for delay, on the ground of avoiding hasty action. The "Conservative Shadow Cabinet" (ex-Premier Starley Baldwin's Ministry) met, suggested that the bill should be introduced, if necessary, before the recess, but that further progress should be delayed un til the Autumn session. The MacD

ald Cabinet was understood to have assented to this.

Later, President Cosgrave, Lord Londonderry (representing Sir James Craig), Premier MacDonald and some of his Ministers met at the Colonial Office in Whitehall. After hours of fruitless discussion, the Conference broke up.

Unless some new development were to arise, early introduction of the bill to force Northern Ireland's hard was looked for in Parliamentary circles.

Notes

Major E. D. Metcalfe, a temporary equerry to the Prince of Wales, arrived in Manhattan to make arrangements for the Prince's visit to the U. S. at the end of this month. Said he: "His Royal Highness is one of the best men to hounds in England. When you consider that he hunts three times a week and rides as hard as he does, it is surprising he doesn't have more falls. If he weren't the Prince of Wales his falls would not be mentioned as anything extraordinary. I train all the Prince's horses. If I were to fall twelve times a week no one would ever give it a thought. But if the Prince is thrown, the news is flashed all over the world. It has been figured out by the press that he has been thrown or fallen about four times a year in the last four years."

Malcolm MacDonald, 22-year-old son of Premier MacDonald, recently graduated from Oxford, spoke thus in an interview at London: "You see, people like me come down from Oxford full of ideas, but they are other people's ideas. They are second-hand. I want some experience to confirm them or else to get a new set of my own. It will probably be some time before I go in for politics. In the meantime I should like to study every phase of life, and I think that can best be done as a reporter."

That abortion of a monument to Edith Cavell, British nurse shot as a spy by the Germans in 1915, is to suffer a slight alteration. At present it has written on it the words "For King and Country." Her last words are now to be included: "Patriotism is not enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness for anyone."

The repeal of the McKenna duties on automobiles, watches, clocks, etc., became effective with the passing of July. It was rumored that thousands of

American automobiles were in bond awaiting the expiration of the 33% ad valorem duty imposed in 1915 as a war measure by Chancellor of the ExBritish chequer Reginald McKenna. manufacturers were gloomy at the prospect of having to compete on an equal footing with Americans. Great loss of business was envisaged. The decision to repeal the duties was contained in Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Snowden's budget (TIME, May 12).

Some 13,000 Boy Scouts assembled in the stadium at the British Empire Exhibition for an "Imperial Jamboree." Every Dominion, Colony and dependency in the British Commonwealth of Nations was represented. There were white scouts, black scouts, chocolate scouts, bekilted scouts, befezzed scouts and beturbaned scouts. The Duke of Connaught, President of the Boy Scouts Association, opened the Jamboree. Chief Scout of Wales, Edward Windsor, Prince of Wales, officiated at the opening of the Jamboree ceremonies.

FRANCE

Le Parlement

Sitting in solemn silence, the Senate and Chamber of Deputies heard the reading of a telegram from Premier Herriot, who was in London attending the Premiers' Conference (see INTERNATIONAL).

The Premier's telegram reviewed the progress of the Conference and explained his inability to appear personally before Parliament. By far the most significant and, therefore, important passage in his message was:

"The French delegation, while seeking to afford the lenders all legitimate security, is taking care that there shall be no impairment of the Versailles Treaty and no infringement upon French rights in the event that the rights of France are not safeguarded by collective action."

Senators and Deputies continued to sit in solemn silence until the icy atmosphere of the two Houses of Parliament caused them to stand up and march forth into the sunshine.

The Amnesty Bill, passed by the Chamber of Deputies (TIME, July 21), was recently referred for report to a

special Commission of the Senate after a peevish debate. The Commission came forward last week and stated that it was impossible for it to make an immediate report.

Le Sénateur de Monsies proposed a temporary measure of amnesty pending the passage of the main bill. This was too much for old, die-hard Royalist, le Sénateur Dominique Delahaye. Cried he: "You love the Boches too much!" The usually calm Senators became much agitated. White-haired old men became almost inarticulate with rage. Left Senators pounded, with bony and with fat hands, the tops of their desks, loudly calling upon the President of the Senate, le Sénateur de Selves, to call the spirited Delahaye to order.

M. de Selves vowed he had not heard the insult. This angered still more the Left Senators, who, headed by shrill voices from the ministerial seats, began to call for de Selves' resignation. In vain did the latter try to pacify the irate gray-beards and others less bewhiskered; finally he was forced to put on his hat, thus suspending the session.

A motion to transfer to le Panthéon, last resting place of France's great men, the bones of Jean Jaurés, Socialist, who was assassinated on the eve of the outbreak of the War, was passed by the Chamber by 346 to 110 votes, and by the Senate with only five opposing votes. The bill will become law after it has been signed by President Doumergue. The Government will then appoint a date for the exhumation and reburial.

Parliament adjourned for the Summer vacation. The Presidents of both Houses made it clear to members that they might be recalled when Premier Herriot arrived from London. Failing this, Parliament will not meet again until October.

Sarcastic

The Paris press waxed sacastic over Premier MacDonald's kind invitation to Premier Herriot to attend the great naval review off Spithead (TIME, Aug. 4). It emphasized the fact that Britain referred to her Navy as a "guarantee of peace" and to the French Army as a "menace of war."

Le Journal des Debats, Paris quotidian, in a scathing editorial, suggested that Premier Herriot should now invite Premier MacDonald to France to see