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Vol. IV. No. 6.

The Weekly News-Magazine


THE PRESIDENCY Mr. Coolidge's Week

The Executive Offices were visited by the President of the National Association of Post-Office Clerks and the Secretary of the organization. They wanted to know how President Coolidge stood on the question of a pay increase for Post-Office employes. The President declared that he favored an increase, if the proposal were scientifically drawn and if a means of raising the necessary revenue were provided.

Last Spring, Mr. Coolidge vetoed the Edge Bill, which provided for a $68,000,000 pay increase for postal employes. He objected that it was not scientifically drawn and that it did not provide for revenue. Democrats and LaFollette Progressives suggested that the approaching election has made the President see the error of his ways.

Mr. Coolidge took up equestrian exercise, going on "sunrise" gallops with his son and Maj. James F. Coupal, White House physician, successor to Brig. Gen. Sawyer.

To the victorious U. S. Olympic team, returning home aboard the S. S. America, Mr. Coolidge addressed a message: "On field, on track and on water, the achievements of our athletes were without parallel and the impressiveness of the victories was glorified by the sportsmanly conduct which earned all admiration."

The Coolidge Home Town Club, which claims a membership of more than 8,000, although there are only five houses in Plymouth, Vt., is circulating literature to prove that the President is a real dirt farmer. One Tuttle, President of the Club, said: "We are sending out literature and stories about the farm life of Calvin Coolidge and his ancestry. We are trying to prove to the farmers throughout the land that President Coolidge is a real dirt farmer, as were his father and his grandfather before him. And the best thing about it is that it is not bunk but the simple truth."

Incidentally, rumors persisted that

August 11, 1924


Mr. Coolidge may go away for a vacation. He has often denied this and is known to be impatient when the press continues to promulgate rumors which he has denied. The latest rumor was that he might visit Plymouth, Vt., for ten days. If he should go home for ten days to help his father bring in the hay, it would fit in admirably with the Home Town Club's propaganda.

Charles Edward Stowe, of Santa Barbara, who calls himself twin brother' of Uncle Tom's Cabin because his mother, Harriet Beecher Stowe, produced him and the book at approximately the same time, sent to Coolidge Campaign Headquarters a quotation from Quintus Horatius Flaccus, famed Roman poet, which he applied to the President:

"The just man, tenacious of his pur


National Affairs
Foreign News

The Press

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pose, is not shaken from his firm resolve by the frenzy of his fellow-citizens bidding what is wrong nor by the face of a threatening tyrant nor by the uncontrollable storms of the sea nor by the mighty hand of thundering Jove. If the vault of Heaven should break and crash upon him, he would stand amid its ruins undismayed."

The President and Mrs. Coolidge made a tour of parks and playgrounds of the Capital, including the War Department Cafeteria. They stopped at a golf course to watch; a golfer, becoming excited, dubbed his drive into the bushes. They stopped at baseball grounds to watch two League teams; a pitcher suddenly became wild and "walked" two batters in succession. They went into the kitchen of the War Department Cafeteria; Susan, the Negro cook, went up in a flurry, exclaiming: "Praise the Lord. It's the President of the United States !"

The President was scheduled to break ground for a new Methodist church in Washington by turning a spadeful of dirt. He appeared promptly, with the energy of a real dirt farmer turned, not one, but three spadefuls.

Continuing the Defense Day controversy begun a few days before (TIME, Aug. 4), Governor Bryan of Nebraska, Democratic nominee for Vice President, sent Mr. Coolidge a message of inquiry about the proposed "Day." The President consulted with the War Department, answered Governor Bryan's questions. Both messages were later made public in Nebraska (see Page 4).

President and Mrs. Coolidge sent a wreath to the Harding tomb at Marion, Ohio, on the first anniversary of President Harding's death.

THE CAMPAIGN Preliminaries

The beginning of the great battle of politics, which is scheduled for this Fall, is slow, because the generals are organizing their supplies and preparing their great drives.

The Republicans, during the past

National Affairs-[Continued]

week, did the least of all in the way of overt acts. With satisfaction, they watched grain prices, which continued upward, and the favorable quarterly report of the U. S. Steel Corporation. Good conditions in agriculture and the steel industries do not make Republican supporters, but at least such conditions do not make Republican

opponents. It is an axiom of politics that the fewer dissatisfied people there are, the better it is for the party in power. That is why the Republicans were pleased.

The Democratic campaign was a little more active in appearance. John W. Davis addressed a letter of thanks to each and every one of the 2,500 delegates and alternates who attended the Democratic Convention.


was a tactful movement, typical of Mr. Davis, and doubtless will help to heal any little wounds still left by the titanic struggle of the Convention. Then, one morning, a pile of baggage suddenly appeared on the steps of the Murray Hill Hotel in Manhattan. At the bottom of the pile was a little pigskin suitcase marked: "J. W. D., New York," signifying that the candidate had returned from his rest in the woods of Maine to activity in the eastern centre. Shortly afterward, he issued a statement giving practical support to his running mate, Charles W. Bryan, who had attacked Defense Day as advocated by President Coolidge (see Page 4).

The Progressive ticket-or, rather, the LaFollette Progressive ticket, as some of those who took part in the Roosevelt Progressive movement object to Mr. LaFollette's appropriation of the name-opened its attack at once. Senator La Follette issued a statement attacking the Tariff Commission for having spent 18 months in investigating the costs of producing sugar. He charged that the sugar interests were maneuvering for delay. Meanwhile, at Atlantic City, the Railway Brotherhoods and other LaFollette allies were maneuvering to get the support of the American Federation of Labor for the Progressive ticket (see Page 5).

For all political purposes, Candidates LaFollette and Wheeler got the Federation's support.


This season finds America represented abroad by two leading lights of the Cabinet-Secretary Hughes and Secretary Mellon. Not since 1919,

when Woodrow Wilson was negotiating in Paris, have two such pertinent figures of American officialdom been presented on the European stage. Other members of the Cabinet have been abroad since 1919, but now appear there to use the European terms-the


Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of Finance. And this happens at a time when diplomatic and economic questions are sputtering very lustily in the European pot. Who can say what important developments are not in the making?

When President Wilson was abroad everyone knew that America had her finger in the stew. Daily bulletins from Paris told how the world' was being reordered by the arbiters of destiny. But then the Democratic Party, the party of participation, was in power here. Now the Republican Party, the party of isolation, is in power, and accordingly one would expect matters to be very different, at least on the surface. This is, indeed, the case.

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land, technically, as President of the American Bar Association. But he has already visited, besides, France, Bel gium and Germany. As a Minister ct Foreign Affairs, he is, of course, expected to say more than a Minister of Finance. He has said more, if words are the measure; but has said very littl more if significance is the criterion.

In Westminster Hall in London, Mr Hughes addressed the International gathering of lawyers, saying: "Of all international contracts, none could be happier than this."

At the Hôtel de Ville in Paris, Mr Hughes said: "We meet at a time ci distress and unrest, which followed as the natural result of the great upheaval and economic dislocations incident to the War. We know there is no cure for these conditions save as we may find it in the disposition of peoples intent upon the interests of peace."

In interviews, he expressed confidence in the outcome of the Inter-Allied Conference in London, and when asked on what he based his confidence, answered: "We must believe in the good sense of the peoples."

In the Archepiscopal Palace at Malines, Belgium, Mr. Hughes received from Cardinal Mercier a degree of Doctor of Laws from Louvain Unversity, and said: "My visit to your country will leave a very deep impression on me."

U. S. Ambassador Houghton rushe! back to Germany in order to take charge of receiving Mr. Hughes, aithough he had been home, on vacation. only 200 hours.

Said the Paris Matin: "Mr. Hughes' public utterances have been confined to safe philosophical reflections on the moral beauty of a lawyer's career."

But the fact remains that the two American Secretaries, Mellon Mellon and Hughes, did have quiet little private meetings with Ramsay MacDonald with Doumergue, with Herriot, with Millerand, with Poincaré, with Theunis, with Paul Hymans, with Chancellor Marx and other men who rule the destinies of Europe. And it is a safe bet for any intelligent American that Messrs. Hughes and Mellon did not go to Europe just to exchange small talk with the notables of the world.


isolation cannot restore the real isola- Resignations

tion which was destroyed, not by the
Wilson régime, but by peaceful com-
merce over a period of decades.

And Mr. Hughes? He went to Eng

Retirement is one of the chief dvertisements of Ambassadors and one of the chief annoyances of Secretaries of State. Last month came the resig

National Affairs-[Continued]

nation of Ambassador Woods at the fruit was decomposed or the prod

Tokyo. Last week Ambassador Warren, at Mexico City, formally handed in his resignation, which had been anticipated for some time. He pointed out that he had accepted the post only in order to assist in carrying out the treaty, which he helped to negotiate, whereby Mexico was again accorded diplomatic recognition. He considered that the problems which had induced him to take the post were solved and felt he was at liberty to retire.

Simultaneously and unofficially it was reported that Ambassador Herrick in Paris had signified to Secretary Hughes, now abroad, that he wished to be relieved.

If this is true, it is easy enough to understand, without the usual explanation: diplomatic ill - health. Myron T. Herrick will be 70 in Octoher and his post is a trying one. He first served as Ambassador to Paris under President Taft, was again drafted for that post by President Wilson. Since 1921, Mr. Herrick has had only one leave of absence, which came last year. He is much attached to the Paris post, but of late it has been a severe tax on his strength, with the result that he has not been well. His resignation, if the reports are correct, will not be sudden, but will read "to take effect at the convenience of the Administration."

"June 30, 1906"

The Department of Agriculture, charged with administration of the Pure Food and Drugs Act, recently completed its 12,000th seizure and prosecution under that law, since the enactment in 1906. Thereupon it published a general summary of its works, listing the chief kinds of malpractice which it had been called upon to deal with. The 12,000th case had to do with the shipment of 400 cases of eggs, Some of them rotten, from Iowa to Illinois. The chief classes of offenses:

Dairy products: more than 1,000 seizures, having to do chiefly with butter lacking in butter-fat, watered milk, milk contaminated with bacteria.

Eggs: more than 600 seizures, mostly because part of the eggs were


Flour: more than a hundred seizures, because unbranded, or shortweight, or containing excessive mois


Tomatoes, canned, as catsup, etc.: many seizures, largely because part of

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One cannot deny that the Negro race has creative imagination. Its gestures may be futile, but as a race it is a master of gesture.

Last week, there opened in Manhattan the Fourth Annual Convention of the Universal Negro Improvement Association.

This is quite a different organization from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The latter is an organization in which a number of prominent men (white as well as black) participate for improving the opportunities -civil, political, economic-of Negroes. It sets about this task in concrete ways.

The Universal Negro Improvement Association is purely Negro in inspiration and exercises its imagination enough to be "universal." It is Marcus Garvey's great organization-great not only in originality, but perhaps also in charlatanism. Garvey, fired with West Indian imagination, "kindled" the idea. Just at present, he is out on bail, following conviction for using the mails to defraud (TIME, June 11, 1923), in connection with selling stock in the Black Star Line-a steamship company,


formed to carry Negroes back to Africa. The company's only significant maritime achievement was to take Garvey and some of his friends aboard a chartered vessel, to the West Indies and back, on an intoxicating journey during which, in some mysterious manner, the ship nearly foundered.

Garvey, temporarily at large, still retains the confidence of those who did not take too hard the loss of their money in the Black Star Line. He himself opened the Fourth Annual Convention of his Universal Negro Improvement Association. He asserted that the Association has 30,000 members in New York City, 25,000 members in the rest of the U. S. and Great Britain. He welcomed its members to a grand confab and celebration to last "31 days and 31 nights."

Gathering his followers together-his Royal Guards, his Imperial Legion of Africa, his Sublime Order of the Nile, his Distinguished Order of Ethiopia, his Black Cross Nurses-he embarked once more, perhaps for the last time before visiting the penitentiary, on an exposition of his doctrines and his hopes.

But first, the 31 days and nights opened with a parade. There were 3,500 marchers. There were several regiments of officers of the Imperial Legion of Africa, representatives of the other orders, Black Cross Nurses, Negro Boy and Girl Scouts, members of the African Orthodox Catholic Church headed by Dean Toote. Every


was suitably attired, from the Legionaries in black and red uniforms with gold lace, to Dean Toote in a purple cassock with a shoulder-sash of white and pale blue carrying a placard: "Independent Church. The Black

Jews of the Judea Tribe of Israel, driven out of Judea into Abyssinia by the Gentiles." There were many other placards. One read: "By the science of perpetual motion, the Negro will conquer Africa."

There were eight bands of music and as many floats representing: "Pleading Africa's Cause Before the League of Nations," "The Ladies of the Royal Court of Ethiopa," etc. Everywhere fluttered the red, green and black flag of the African Republic.

In the reviewing-stand stood Marcus Garvey, President of the Provisional Republic of Africa, resplendent in a black uniform with red and gold trimmings. Around him shone a staff, clinking all over with sabres. There were Imperial Potentates, Assistant

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