in wealth, in suffering, and in crimes, we shall say they were dearly purchased. The English would plead for their navigation act, not as a source of gain, but as an essential means of securing their independence. So many interests would be disturbed, and so many lost, by a violent change from the existing to an unknown order of things; and the mutual relations of nations, in respect to their power and wealth, would suffer such a shock, that the idea must be allowed to be perfectly Utopian and wild. But for this country to form the project of changing the policy of nations, and to begin the abolition of restrictions by restrictions of its own, is equally ridiculous and inconsistent. LET every nation, that is really disposed to extend the liberty of commerce, beware of rash and hasty schemes of prohibition. In the affairs of trade, as in most others, we make too many laws. We follow experience too little, and the visions of theorists a great deal too much. Instead of listening to discourses on what the market ought to be, and what the schemes, which always promise much' on paper, pretend to make it, let us see what is the actual market for our exports and imports. This will bring vague assertions and sanguine opinions to the test of experience, That rage for theory and system, which would entangle even practical truth in the web of the brain, is the poison of public discussion. One fact is better than two systems. THE terms, on which our exports are received in the British market, have been accurately examined by a gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wm. Smith). Before his statement of facts was made to the committee, it was urged, and with no little warmth, that the system of England indicated her inveteracy towards this country, while that of France, springing from disinterested affection, constituted a claim for gratitude and sclf-denying measures of retribution. SINCE that statement, however, that romantick style, which is so i adapted to the subject, has been changed. We hear it insinuated, that the comparison of the footing of our exports, in the markets of France and England, is of no importance; that it is chiefly our object, to see how we may assist and extend our commerce. statement, or rather this indirect admission of its authority, establishes it. It will not be pretended, that it has been shaken during the debate. This evasion of the force of the IT has been made to appear, beyond contradiction, that the British market for our exports, taken in the aggregate, is a good one; that it is better than the French, and better than any we have, and for many of our products the only one. THE whole amount of our exports to the British dominions, in the year ending the 30th September, 1790, was nine millions two hundred and forty six thousand six hundred and six dollars. BUT it will be more simple and satisfactory to confine the inquiry to the articles following: BREAD stuff, tobacco, rice, wood, the produce of the fisheries, fish-oil, pot and pearl ash, salted meats, indigo, live animals, flax-seed, naval stores, and iron. THE amount of the before mentioned articles, exported in that same year to the British dominions, was eight millions four hundred and fifty seven thousand one hundred and seventy three dollars. We have heard so much of restriction, of inimical and jealous probibitions to cramp our trade, it is natural to scrutinize the British system, with the expectation of finding little besides the effects of her selfish and angry policy. YET of the great sum of nearly eight millions and an half, the amount of the products before mentioned sold in her markets, two articles only are dutied by way of restriction. Bread stuff is dutied so high in the market of Great Britain, as, in times of plenty, to exclude it, and this is done from the desire to favour her own farmers. The mover of the resolutions justified the exclusion of our bread stuff from the French West-Indies by their permanent regulations, because, he said, they were bound to prefer their own products to those even of the United States. It would seem that the same apology would do for England, in her home market. But what will do for the vindication of one nation becomes invective against another. The criminal nation however receives our bread stuff in the West-Indies free, and excludes other foreign, so as to give our producers the monopoly of the supply. This is no merit in the judgment of the mover of the resolutions, because it is a fragment of her old colony system. Notwithstanding the nature of the duties on bread stuff in Great Britain, it has been clearly shewn that she is a better customer for that article, in Europe, than her neighbour France. The latter, in ordinary times, is a poor customer for bread stuff, for the same reason that our own country is, because she produces it herself, and therefore France permits it to be imported, and the United States do the like. Great Britain often wants the article, and then she receives it; no country can be expected to buy what it does not want. The bread stuff sold in the European dominions of Britain, in the year 1790, amounted to one million eighty seven thousand eight hundred and forty dollars. WHALE-OIL pays the heavy duty of eighteen pounds three shillings sterling per ton; yet spermaceti oil found a market there to the value of eighty one thousand and forty eight dollars. THUS it appears, that of eight millions and an half, sold to Great Britain and her dominions, only the value of one million one hundred and sixty eight thousand dollars was under duty of a restrictive nature. The bread stuff is hardly to be considered as within the description; yet, to give the argument its full force, what is it; about one eighth part is restricted. To proceed with the residue : Indigo to the amount of.............. $473,830 62,415 219,924 Total................. $ 756,169 THESE articles are received, duty free, which is a good foot to the trade. Yet we find, good as it is, the bulk of our exports is received on even better terms: Flour to the British West-Indies................ Grain......................... Free....while other foreign flour and grain are pro hibited. Tobacco to Great Britain............ $ 858,006 273,505 2,754,493 Ditto to the West-Indies...................................... 22,816 One shilling and three pence sterling, duty; three shillings and six pence on other foreign tobacco. In the West-Indies other foreign tobacco is prohibited. Rice to Great Britain............ 773,852 Seven shillings and four pence per cwt. duty; eight shillings and ten pence on other foreign rice. THUS it appears, that nearly seven-eighths of the exports to the British dominions are received on terms of positive favour. Foreigners, our rivals in the sale of these articles, are either absolutely shut out of their market by prohibitions, or discouraged in their competition with us by higher duties. There is some restriction, it is admitted, but there is, to balance it, a large amount received duty free; and a half goes to the 6,162 81,612 $6,510,926 account of privilege and favour. This is better than she treats any other foreign nation. It is better, indeed, than she treats her own subjects, because they are by this means deprived of a free and open market. It is better than our footing with any nation, with whom we have treaties. It has been demonstratively shewn, that it is better than the footing, on which France receives either the like articles, or the aggregate of our products. The best proof in the world is, that they are not sent to France. The merchants will find out the best market sooner than we shall. THE footing of our exports, under the British system, is better than that of their exports to the United States, under our system. Nay, it is better than the freedom of commerce, which is one of the visions for which our solid prosperity is to be hazarded; for, suppose we could batter down her system of prohibitions and restrictions, it would be gaining a loss; oneeighth is restricted, and more than six-eighths has restrictions in its favou. It is as plain as figures can make it, that, if a state of fre:dom for our exports is at par, the present system raises them in point of privilege, above par. To suppose that we can terify them by these resolutions, to abolish their restrictions and at the same time to maintain in our favour their duties, to exclude other foreigners from their market, is too absurd to be refuted. WE have heard, that the market of France is the great centre of ur interests; we are to look to her, and not to England, for avantages, being, as the style of theory is, our best customer nd best friend, shewing to our trade particular favour and privilege; while England manifests in her system such narrov and selfish views. It is strange to remark such a pointed refitation of assertions and opinions by facts. The amount sent to France herself is very trivial. Either our merchants are ignorant of the best markets, or those which they prefer are the best; and if the English markets, in spite of the alleged ill usage, are still preferred to the French, it is a proof of the superiour advantages of the former over the latter. The arguments I have adverted to oblige those who urge them |