In a free government, the reality of grievances is no kind. of justification of rebellion. It is hoped that our rulers will act with dignity and wisdom; that they will yield every thing to reason, and refuse every thing to force; that they will not consider any burdens as a grievance, which it is the duty of the people to bear; but if the burden is too weighty for them to endure, that they will lighten it; and that they will not descend to the injustice and meanness of purchasing leave to hold their authority, by sacrificing a part of the community to the villany and ignorance of the disaffected.

Ir may be very proper to use arguments, to publish addresses, and fulminate proclamations, against high treason: but the man who expects to disperse a mob of a thousand men, by ten thousand arguments, has certainly never been in one. I have heard it remarked, that men are not to be reasoned out of an opinion that they have not reasoned themselves into. The case, though important, is simple. Government does not subsist by making proselytes to sound reason, or by compromise and arbitration with its members; but by the power of the community compelling the obedience of individuals. If that is not done, who will seek its protection, or fear its vengeance. Government may prevail in the argument, and yet we may lose the constitution.

We have been told, that the hatchet of rebellion would be buried, at least till another occasion shall call it forth, provided all publick and private debts be abolished, or, in lieu of such abolition, that a tender act be passed; or an emission of paper money, as a tender for all debts, should be made; or that the courts of justice should be shut, until all grievances are redressed.

HERE naturally arise two questions. In strict justice, ought our rulers to adopt either of these measures? And should they adopt either, or all of them, will the energy of government be restored, and the constitution be preserved?

As to the first question, who is there that keeps company with honest men, that will not give scope to the vehement detestation that he bears the idea? Is there a rogue in the

state so hardened against shame and conscience, that he would consent to be, alone, the author of either of those measures? It is to be hoped that the time is not yet arrived, when the government of a free, new people is worse than the worst man in it.

BUT should government resolve, that a measure which is morally wrong, is politically right; that it is necessary to sacrifice its friends and advocates to buy a truce from its foes; will those foes, having tasted the sweets of ruling, intermit their enterprises, while there is a remnant of authority left in the state to inflict punishments and to impose taxes, and that authority is no longer formidable by the support of those men, whose rights have been already surrendered? Did cowardice, did injustice, ever save a sinking state? Did any man, by giving up a portion of his just right, because he had not courage to maintain it, ever save the residue? The insolence of the aggressor is usually proportioned to the tameness of the sufferer. Every individual has a right to tell his rulers, I am one of the parties to the constitutional contract. I promised allegiance, and I require protection for my life and property. I am ready to risk both in your defence. I am competent to make my own contracts; and when they are violated, to seek their interpretation and redress in the judicial courts. I never gave you a right to interpose in them. Without my consent, or a crime committed, neither you, nor any individual, have a right to my property. I refuse my consent; I am innocent of any crime. I solemnly protest against the transfer of my property to my debtor. An act making paper, or swine, a tender, is a confiscation of my estate, and a breach of that compact, under which I thought I had secured protection. If ye say that the people are distressed, I ask, is the proposed relief less destressing? Relieve distress from your own funds; exercise the virtues of charity and compassion at your own charge, as I do. Am I to lose my property, and to be involved in distress, to relieve persons whom I never saw, and who are unworthy of compassion, if they accept the dishonest relief. If your virtues lead you to oppress me, what am I to expect from your vices? But if ye will suffer my life to

depend upon the mercy of the MOB, and my property upon their opinion of the expediency of my keeping it, at least restore me the right, which I renounced when I became a citizen, of vindicating my own rights, and avenging my own injuries.

IN fine, the publick will be convinced, that the designs of the rioters are subversive of government; that they have knowingly incurred the penalties of high treason; that arguments will not reach them; will not be understood; if understood, will not convince them; and after having gone such lengths, conviction will not disarm them; that, if government should reason and deliberate, when they ought to act; should choose committees, publish addresses, and do nothing; we shall see our free constitution expire, the state of nature restored, and our rank among savages taken somewhere below the Oneida Indians. If government should do worse than nothing, should make paper money or a tender act, all hopes of seeing the people quiet, and property safe, are at an end. Such an act would be the legal triumph of treason.

BUT before we make such a sacrifice, let us consider our force to defend the state. And to direct that force, at the head of the government is a magistrate, whose firmness, integrity, and ability, are well known. The senate and house have hitherto deserved the public confidence. Every man of principle and property will give them his most zealous aid. A select corps of militia may easily be formed, of such men as may be trusted; the force of the United States may be relied upon, if needed. The insurgents, without leaders, and without resources, will claim the mercy of the government, as soon as vigorous counsels are adopted.

BUT if the constitution must fall, let us discharge our duty, and attempt its defence. Let us not furnish our enemies with a triumph, nor the dishonoured page of history with evidence, THAT IT WAS FORMED WITH TOO MUCH WISDOM TO BE VALUED, AND REQUIRED TOO MUCH VIRTUE TO BE MAINTAINED BY ITS MEMBERS.

CAMILLUS. N°. I.

First published in the Independent Chronicle, March 1, 1787.

This, and the two following pieces, were written immediately after the suppression of Shays's insurrection, and before any measures had been taken either to guard against a repetition of similar disorders in our own state, or to strengthen the federal government. Two reflections naturally arise in perusing these early productions of Mr. Ames's pen: that he was one of the very first to discern the importance, and to urge the necessity of amending the federal compact. He early saw the evils of the old confederation, and suggested in these essays, before the calling of any convention, the basis of a federal system, in a remarkable degree corresponding with the one which was afterwards adopted. It is also to be observed, that he at this period foresaw the dangers, to which our liberty would be exposed; that he apprehended, (and well he might, from the events of that day) that those hazards were chiefly on the popular side, and that despotism would be much more likely to be introduced by factious leaders, under the garb of patriotism, than by open, direct attacks. He manifests his ardent zeal and anxiety for a republican form of government, and ridicules the idea of the possibility of introducing a monarchy (except an absolute one) in our country. The reader will notice the wonderful coincidence of this part of these early essays with a posthumous piece, now for the first time published, entitled, "The Dangers of American Liberty." These early essays render any explanation of the latter piece unnecessary, as they obviously display the motives of the writer in thus enlarging upon, and depicturing in gloomy colours, the dangers to which a popular government is liable. It was because he loved the republick, and cherished it with unusual warmth and affection, that he was perpetually pointing out its hazards. It was the timely admonition of a fond father to secure the future happiness of a beloved child.

THE late events have been so interesting and so rapid, that

the publick mind has been confounded by the magnitude, and oppressed with the variety of the reflections which result from them. The season of the most useful observation for statesmen and philosophers is not yet arrived. Their decisions are made upon facts, as they appear in their simplicity, after faction has ceased to distort, and enthusiasm to adorn them. It is otherwise with the publick. Their judgment is formed while the transactions are recent, while the rage of party gives an acumen to their penetration, and an importance to their discoveries, which, however, are soon cheerfully consigned to oblivion. This seems, therefore, to be the time to reconsider the state of parties, and to examine the opinions, which have lately prevailed. Perhaps some fruit may be gathered from our dear experience; and we may, in some measure, succeed in eradicating the destructive notions which the seditious have infused into the people.

Bur experience, which makes individuals wise, sometimes makes a publick mad: judging only by their feelings, disastrous events are usually charged to the agency of bad men; and in the bustle, excited by their vindictive zeal, the precious lessons of adversity are lost. It belongs to the sage politician to draw from such events just maxims of policy, for the future benefit of mankind; and it belongs to mankind to keep these maxims accumulating, by repeating the same blunders, and pursuing the same phantoms, with equal ignorance, and equal ardour, to the end of the world. This disposition is so obvious, that proof cannot be needed. But if it be desired, it is furnished so abundantly by the history of every nation, that it requires some taste to select judiciously the most pertinent evidence. It is most useful to advert to our own times.

In spite of national beggary, paper money has still its advocates, and probably, of late, its martyrs. In spite of national dishonour, the continental impost is still opposed with success. Never did experience more completely demonstrate the iniquity of the one, and the necessity of the other. But, in defiance of demonstration, knaves will continue to proselyte fools, and to keep a paper money faction alive. The fear of their success has annihilated credit, as their actual success would annihilate property. For many years we may expect, that our federal government will be permitted to languish, without the powers to extort commercial treaties from rival states, or to establish a national revenue. All this is notorious. It is the common language of the people, not excepting the least informed. But it is vain to expect, that schemes plainly unjust and absurd will, therefore, want advocates. Our late experience forbids this confidence. Hitherto invention has not equalled credulity; and the next pretence for rebellion will more probably fail of rousing the disaffected to arms, because it is not monstrous and absurd enough, than because its repugnance to reason and common justice are palpable. The love of novelty and the passion for the marvellous have ever made the multitude more than passive; they have invited imposture, and drunk down deception like water. They will remain as