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ART. III. ·ADDRESS OF THE GEORGIA CONVENTION OF TEACHERS.

We have noticed several times the formation of a Teacher's Society, at Milledgeville, Georgia, in Dec. 1831, with whose minutes we have been favored. The pamphlet contains an address by a committee of the convention, from which we long since marked a series of extracts for insertion in this work. We are not willing to close our volume without presenting to our readers this expression of opinion and feeling on the subject of education, from some of its warmest friends in that portion of our country.

After some introductory remarks, the committee speak, in language to which our feelings fully respond, of the importance of giving more extended education to our youth as citizens.

'Notwithstanding our favorite national motto, that Intelligence is the life of Liberty, have we, as a nation, taken all the necessary steps that this intelligence might keep pace with our population, and with the improvements of the age? While improvements in the various arts and sciences are rapidly progressing while labor-saving machines are multiplying the productive industry of man a thousand fold, and putting within his reach, many of the comforts and conveniences and luxuries of life, of which he was formerly ignorant, what, comparatively speaking, has been done to diffuse the richer blessings of knowledge, and to bring to every man's door the luxuries of a well cultivated mind? While we discard the notions of feudal aristocracy, and proclaim to the world that all men are by nature, and of right ought to be free,' while we trumpet abroad the great principle of our republican institutions, that the humblest citizen is, by birth, entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the most exalted, have we taken all the necessary steps to secure him real liberty ↑ Have we not left the great mass of our citizens under the impression that any considerable advances in the acquisition of literature and science must be confined to the few who have wealth and leisure.

'We seem to consider the light of science as too bright for vulgar eyes, and her paths too devious and leading too far away from the beaten track of common life, to be trodden by the feet of the ignoble. The union of knowledge with the common occupations of industry is considered, not only unnecessary, but even impossible. Hence, the too prevalent opinion that a very moderate share of information is sufficient for the man who is to engage in the common pursuits of life. Hence, talents of the highest order, and intellects of the finest mould, are buried and lost — lost both to their possessors and to the country. Who can estimate the amount of intellectual power which is thus lost to our country? Who can calculate the sum of happiness which is thus denied to man? Should not the treasures which are locked up in the minds of millions of our countrymen be brought forth? Should not 'science be called from her hitherto proud and

almost inaccessible heights, to be the companion and cheerer of the lowliest toil and of the humblest fireside? Should not every farmer in our country be well acquainted with the nature and properties of that soil from which he derives his daily support? Should not every mechanic be able to illumine his shop with a torch lighted from the altar of science, and to cheer the labors of the day as well as to enliven the hours of night with reflections drawn from the depths of philosophic research?

'When we look at the means which have been invented for the communication of knowledge, ought not men, who are now engaged in the arduous occupations of agriculture and commerce and manufactures, to make greater advances in the acquisition of useful information than the student was formerly able to make when entirely devoted to learning? Must the great mass of our citizens be confined in their education to reading and writing of their language, and to the art of casting common accounts?'

They next describe the actual state of education, in terms which too fully confirm our former statements.

'Alas! how far should we be elevated above our present level, if all of them were thus enlightened! But how many sons and daughters of free born Americans are unable to read their native language! How many go to the polls, who are unable to read the very charter of their liberties! How many, by their votes, elect men to legislate upon their dearest interests, while they themselves are unable to read even the proceedings of those legislators whom they have empowered to act for them!

We would not degrade our own state by an invidious comparison with others more favored, but we must acknowledge, that with all its advantages and with all the patriotism of its generous and high minded citizens, little has yet been effectually done on the subject of general education. We are not only behind many of our sister states, but much farther, we fear, than is necessary, making every allowance for the many disadvantages under which we have labored.' The inquiry why this gross deficiency exists in public education, is then answered, and another proposed.

'Our Legislature has not been wanting in making those appropri ations which were shown to be necessary for the support of institutions of learning throughout the state. Where then, it may be asked, is the fault? We answer, In the organization and management of our schools.

'In the first place, our common school system is evidently deficient ; or rather, our entire want of a common school system is most deplorably felt throughout all the departments of education. The want of correct elementary instruction exists not only in this state, but throughout the United States. We seem to forget that first principles are, in education, all important principles; that primary schools are the places where these principles are to be established, and where

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such direction will, in all probability, be given to the minds of our children as will decide their future character in life. Hence the idle, and the profane, and the drunken, and the ignorant, are employed to impart to our children the first elements of knowledge set before them as examples of what literature and science can accomplish! And hence the profession of the school-master, which should be the most honorable, is but too often a term of reproach.

'Now should not some step be taken by the citizens of our state to raise the standard of this profession, and wipe off this stigma from our character, so far at least as to make his employment honorable who is to be the instructor of our youth in knowledge, and who should be their guide and pattern in morals? The importance of well educated instructors is acknowledged by all; and yet how many who are altogether incompetent are found in this profession? How many are intrusted with the minds and morals of our children, whom we would not intrust with a small portion of our property? These things ought not so to be, and yet so they will remain, unless the community at large is aroused upon the subject. And if the occasional assembling of teachers in convention from different parts of the state, shall bring the minds of our citizens to bear upon this subject as it ought, an important point will have been gained. For whenever the people of the state are aroused, the Legislature will act; whenever such plans are devised as the people themselves believe ought to be adopted, the Legislature will not fail to meet the views of their constituents- they will not hesitate to carry into effect what they know to be the wish of a vast majority of the citizens of the state.

'That some more systematic plan should be adopted for the establishment and support of common schools, is a truth acknowledged by all. Many poor men have it not in their power to send their children to any school; they are not able to board them from home, or even to pay the low tuition of our imperfect common schools. Is it good policy to leave so many of our citizens without the means of obtaining a useful education? Is it consistent with our republican principles to put into the hands of a part of our people so powerful a weapon as that of knowledge, while the rest are left without its mighty influence? Rail as we may against the aristocracy of other countries, there is no aristocracy so perfect as that of wealth and knowledge. Those who monopolize the knowledge of a country, will be its governors in fact, whatever may be the constitution and laws. 'We have already adverted to the want of competency and character in teachers, as a prominent and general cause of the low state of literature in our common schools. This, we apprehend, is owing, principally, to two causes; remove these and the evil is remedied. First, the labors of the teacher are not sufficiently rewarded. Every body, who knows anything of the matter, knows that the labors of the school master are arduous and vexatious in a high degree. It ought not, therefore, to be expected that men of talents and acquirements will engage in them, unless their services are properly com

pensated. Let the office be desirable in point of emolument, and as a matter of course, there will be secured to fill it, men of such character as will make it respectable. Secondly, the opposition on the part of parents to the exercise of salutary discipline over their children, is, without doubt, a cause that operates extensively in making the common schools generally as worthless as they are.

'Theorize as we may, and indulge as we please in chimerical speculations contrary to the scripture truth by the mouth of Solomon, we cannot subvert it. Often have we seen men of but inferior native minds, and very moderate attainments, mainly by the force of energetic discipline, establish a high reputation as instructors. On the contrary, it has come under our observation once and again, that men possessing talents of a high order, and those talents well cultivated, were, in the capacity of teachers, for want of discipline alone, worse than worthless. Any man of moderate attainments may be a valuable teacher, if to assiduity in imparting instruction, he join faithfulness in administering the requisite discipline. Without this, we believe it impossible for the highest talents that were ever possessed by man, to constitute a good teacher of youth. Now as long as the exercise of faithful discipline puts the teacher in danger of incurring the displeasure of affectionate but misjudging parents, and thereby losing that patronage which is necessary to procure him his daily bread, it would be passing strange, if, in this selfish and degenerate world, many should be found possessing moral courage and principle sufficient to make them run all risks in the conscientious discharge of duty. Hence so many unprincipled and time-serving pedagogues, whose grand object seems to be, to win the affections of weak parents, by indulging their children to their injury. They aim at popularity in this way, that they may have it in their power to pocket the money of their patrons, while they are conscious that they do not render them an equivalent in the progress of their pupils. To remedy this extensive evil, those teachers should be supported, and those only, who will faithfully perform their duty in discipline as well as instruction. We impose upon ourselves, if we imagine, that ever our common schools will be of much value until there is a radical change in public sentiment and public practice on this point. In conclusion, we would urge upon the friends of education throughout the state, and particularly upon teachers, to endeavor to place the profession at once where as it ought always to have stood, as high at least to any other of the liberal professions.'

Such is the language of the friends of education from every quarter of the Union, in regard to the only mode of improving our schools; and such is a fair specimen of the accounts given of its condition in the greater part of this free and enlightened nation.' When will statesmen, and patriots, and christians devote to this subject some portion of the zeal, and eloquence, and effort which is wasted in a war of words or on questions of a day?

ART. IV. CITIZEN'S OR MIDDLE SCHOOLS.

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IN the address of the Teachers' Convention of Georgia, the committee advert to the necessity of providing, for the electors of a republic, something more of education than the mere elements which are taught in a primary school. It is said indeed by some, that there have been many eminent men among us who have had no more; and who have still surpassed all their well educated' cotemporaries. But have we a right to infer, that because a few superior minds, (as these are allowed to be,) have arisen in spite of this want, others must be neglected. We often fin exquisite fruit upon wild plants. Is it therefore unnecessary to cultivate our gardens?

But the point is conceded — is urged by most of the friends of education. Universal education - the power of acquiring such knowledge as shall qualify them to discharge rationally, and in the best manner, the duties of a man and a citizen is claimed as a right, by a large and growing party in our country. We regret that they should attempt to monopolize the name of working men,' while their labors are the source of health and wealth; and yet denounce as drones' and 'non-producers,' not only those who supply them, by their incessant activity of mind, with the opportunity and the instruments of labor, but even those whose labors procure for themselves neither strength nor property, and often destroy both. We regret still more, that so many who seek the elevation of the manual laborers of our country, carry their views of mental independence so far as to revolt against the KING OF KINGS, and proclain themselves enemies to 'property, marriage and religion.' But while their views as a party, like those of most parties, are sadly marked with human imperfection, we have already announced our accordance with them in their declaration, that A REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT

IS BOUND TO PROVIDE FOR THE EDUCATION OF EVERY CITIZEN.

Those who think their claims dangerous or unreasonable on some points, should be most anxious to satisfy all which are reasonable, for power is passing rapidly into their hands.*

On this subject also we shall avail ourselves of foreign testimony from some of the most enlightened and able statesmen of England and France in the hope that the citizens of a republic may be deemed worthy of that knowledge which is considered necessary to the subjects of a monarchy.

* That the word equal' is added to 'universal education,' seems to us to evince a want of thorough attention to the subject; for education can never be 'equal' (=) in the strict sense, for any two professions. It can only be so in reference to the object of education. Each must be equally well prepared for tho employment he adopts, and the duties before him.