against the power of the King. The plan was accordingly devised of gaining the coöperation of the Scotch, by forming a close alliance with that nation. In June, 1643, commissioners were appointed to proceed to Edinburgh for this purpose. In mentioning the circumstance that Sir Henry Vane was one of these commissioners, Clarendon observes, "Therefore the others need not be named, since he was all, in any business where others were joined with him."

The mission was perfectly successful. The SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT was agreed upon; a complete union was formed between the patriots of England and Scotland, and upon a basis which also comprehended the Irish, and was adapted to secure their favor and aid. It is impossible to ascribe too much importance to the Solemn League and Covenant in determining the issue of the war. The alliance of France with the United States in the American Revolution was not more decisive of the independence of the latter, than the alliance with Scotland was of the triumph of the Parliament. It is very amusing to see with what sensibility the royalist historians speak of this brilliant and memorable diplomatic achievement, the glory of which they all ascribe to Sir Henry Vane alone. "There need no more be said of his ability," says Clarendon, "than that he was chosen to cozen and deceive a whole

nation, which excelled in craft and cunning, which he did with notable pregnancy and dexterity." Hume also gives the credit of the transaction to Sir Henry, although he cannot, any more than Clarendon, refrain from mingling a little abuse with his praise. "In this negotiation," says he, "the man chiefly trusted to was Vane, who in eloquence, address, capacity, as well as art and dissimulation, was not surpassed by any one, even during that age so famous for active talents. By his persuasion was framed at Edinburgh the Solemn League and Covenant."

On the return of the commissioners to London, Sir Henry Vane made a full report of their proceedings, which were approved and confirmed by the Parliament. His name, being next to that of Cromwell on the list, was subscribed to the Covenant on the 22d of September. The alliance was thus solemnly ratified. The strength of all the opponents of Charles's government was collected and concentrated, and from that moment the tide of success continued to follow the arms of the Parliament until the monarchy was overthrown.

Sir Henry Vane was a prominent member of all the commissions, which were appointed from time to time to treat with the King, and was also employed as one of the Parliament's committee, which, on special seasons of emergency, accom

panied their army in its movements, and exercised, in its stead, the whole authority of Parliament. He was thus continually engaged, in public and in private, on the floor of the House and in committees, in council and in camp, laboring without intermission in the service of the country and of the republican cause.

During the negotiations with the King, he manifested a fixed resolution to do all that could be done to make the best of the opportunity the country then enjoyed, of securing to itself the blessings of liberty. He, therefore, resisted all attempts to make a compromise with the King, except upon a basis which would render it impossible for the executive branch of the government ever again to encroach upon the rights of the people; and he was desirous of proceeding, as a Parliament, to settle the government, and organize anew all the civil institutions of the country, upon the principles of liberty and justice, without meddling with the person of the King, or removing him from his retreat, or in any way concerning themselves about him. But other counsels prevailed.

As the civil war continued to rage, the moral effects of such a state of things began to show themselves, not only in private life, but in the various institutions and relations of society. Passion, violence, and misrule, became more and

more prevalent. The military spirit gained the ascendency over every other. Military leaders began to usurp the powers which belonged to the civil departments of the government; and the army, that had won the victories of liberty, now turned their swords against her faithful guardians and violated her sacred form. Cromwell had long before permitted the fatal suggestions of a false and wicked ambition to steal in upon his soul. As the vision of a crown gradually became painted before his imagination, he developed more and more clearly the scheme of operations by which he was to secure its possession. And he pursued his purpose with the most immovable perseverance and consummate skill.

Mutual jealousies were artfully and industriously infused into the hearts of many of the leading members of the parliament. Divisions were fomented, and party struggles provoked. A spirit of hostility towards the members of the legislature was diffused through the army, and the officers and men were persuaded and induced to believe that the state would never prosper, until they took its whole government into their own hands.

At length the hour arrived, when the conflicts of the several factions were to be brought to a crisis, and the principles of Sir Henry Vane put to the test of a most painful trial. The majority

in Parliament had manifested a disposition to close with the terms of the King, and again admit him to the throne. Vane was the leader of the republican minority who were firmly of opinion that those terms were not such as ought to be required for the future security of the public liberty and safety. The purpose, however, was formed by the ruling party in the House to accept the terms, and relinquish the controversy with the King. On the 1st of December, 1648, the commissioners appointed to treat with his Majesty appeared in the House, and their report became the occasion of a long and angry debate. The motion was made that the King's terms ought to be considered satisfactory and sufficient. And Sir Henry Vane led the way in opposition to it.

Clarendon gives the substance of his speech, which I will in part repeat, after again reminding the reader that it is from his enemies that in almost all instances, as in the present, we derive the materials of his history. It is a misfortune, not only to the fame of the individuals concerned, but, in a vastly greater degree, to the cause of liberty and truth, that we have to rely, for all that. we can learn of many of the purest and noblest men that ever lived, upon the assertions and records of their bitterest foes.