tain that he was not wrong in fo doing. But he hoped that no perfon would thence infer, either that he was a friend to democracy, or approved of the exceffes which had been committed in France. With respect to the former point, he declared himself equally the enemy of all abfolute forms of government, whether an abfolute monarchy, an abfolute aristocracy, or an abfolute democracy, and approved only of a mixed government, like our own. But though he fhould never lend himself to fupport any cabal or fcheme, formed in order to introduce dangerous innovations into our excellent conftitution; he would not, however, run the length of declaring, that he was an enemy to every fpecies of innovation, because that conftitution, which we all revered, owed its perfection to innovation. He differed greatly from Mr. Burke in his opinion of the revolution of 1688, in which he conceived that many innovations had taken place, and he thought that cafe was certainly more parallel to the revolution in France than his right honourable friend feemed willing to allow. With regard to the fcenes of bloodshed and cruelty which had been acted in France, no man could have heard of them without lamenting them; but still when the fevere tyranny, under which that people had fo long groaned, was confidered, the exceffes which they committed, in their endeavour to thake off the yoke of defpotiím, might, he thought, be fpoken of with fome degree of compaffion; and he was perfuaded that, unfettled as their prefent ftate appeared, it was preferable to their former condition, and that ultimately it would be for the advantage of that country.

After a fhort explanation from Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan rofe and said, that the very reasons which Mr. Burke had given for expreffing the fentiments, which he had that day uttered, namely, an apprehenfion of being fuppofed to acquiefce in the opinions of thofe, for whom he entertained the highest regard and with whom he had uniformly acted, operated alfo on his mind, and made him feel it a duty to declare, that he differed decidedly from that right honourable gentleman in almoft every word that he had uttered refpecting the French revolution, Mr. Sheridan added fome warm compliments to Mr. Burke's general principles; but faid, that he could not conceive how it was poffible for a person of such principles, or for any man who valued our own conftitution, and revered the revolution that obtained it for us, to unite with fuch feelings an indignant and unqualified abhorrence of all the proceedings of the patriotic party in France.

He conceived, he faid, theirs to be as juft a revolution as ours, proceeding upon as found a principle and a greater provocation, and vehemently defended the general views and conduct of the national affembly. He joined with Mr. Burke in abhorring the cruelties that had been committed; but what, he said, was the awful leffon that was to be gathered from the outrages of the populace? What, but an abhorrence of that accurfed fyftem of defpotic government, which fets an example of depravity to the flaves it rules over and if a day of power comes to the wretched populace, is it to be wondered at, however it is to be regretted, that they act without any of thofe feelings of justice or hu

manity,

tation of the perfons most interested in the fuccefs of the motion he was about to make that it was a fubject of fome triumph and exultation to him, to fee thofe men, who on former occafions had acted with the most violent hoftility towards him, defirous, notwithstanding, ofentrulting their dearest interests to him.

4

The argument which Mr. Fox chiefly laboured to establish was of this kind: that religious tefts were juftifiable only upon a fuppofition, that men who entertained certain fpeculative opinions, would be led by thofe opinions to commit actions that were in themselves immoral and hurtful to fociety. Now it was unwarrantable, he contended, to infer a priori, and contrary to the profeffions and declarations of the perfons holding fuch opinions, that their opinions would produce acts injurious to the commonweal. To prefume to judge of other men's opinions, and to know the confequences of them better than themfelves, was the conftant practice, and was of the very effence, of perfecution. How little fpeculative opinions were, in fact, to be confidered as difqualifications for being admitted into civil employments, was evident from various inftances. Those who were the most ftrongly attached to the prefent conftitution of the houfe of commons, would not contend, that the duke of Richmond ought to be difqualified from being malter-general of the ordnance, or Mr. Pitt from being first lord of the treafury, becaufe they were of opinion that the prefent mode of reprefentation was defective and called for amendment. For the fame reafon, he did not fee why the church fhould be fuppofed to be in danger, though Dr. Priestley himself were at the head of it. The object of the test laws, at firft, had

been to exclude anti-monarchical men from civil offices; but he would ever reprobate fuch a procedure; it was acting under falfe pretences; its tendency led to hypocrify, and ferved as a restraint upon the good and confcientious only. Instead of a formal and direct cath of allegiance, there was an indirect, political teft reforted to, by means of a religious teft; although the obligation of all, direct political tests had been juftly exploded by the practice of the country. Why not have propofed a monarchical test at once? It would have anfwered the end by far more effectually than the present teft; for the teft now given went only to guess at a man's opinion: it might admit thofe whofe political fentiments might be inimical to the couftitution, while it operated directly against others who were amongst its ftaunchest friends. With refpect to the church, he ridiculed the opinion, that it might be endangered by the repeal of the acts, as of all others the most unfounded and abfurd. The only danger that the church had to apprehend, was from the fupine indolence of the clergy, and the fuperior activity and zeal of the disenters in the difcharge of the duties of their facred functions.

Mr. Fox then argued from the merits of the diffenters, firft hiftorically; and then contended generally, that the political principles they were fuppofed to entertain were lefs inimical to the British conftitution, than thofe of the high churchmen.

With refpect to French politics, he did not fee what the prefent queftion had to do with them. He reprobated the injustice of imputing to any body of men the exceptionable conduct of a few individuals amongst them, and contended, that his motion ought to be decided upon

general

general principles. Yet he faw no reafon but the example of France ought to have its influence; the church there was now fuffering for its former intolerance. However he might rejoice in the emancipation of near thirty millions of his fel. low-creatures, and in the fpirit which gave rife to the revolution; yet he was free to own there were fome acts of the new government which he could not applaud. The fum mary and indifcriminate forfeiture of the property of the church came under this defcription. But the violence of this proceeding might, in fome measure, be attributed to former ecclefiaftical oppreflions; and, in particular, to the impolitic revocation of the edict of Nantes. Before that period, there existed no teft in France; proteftants and catholics were indifcriminately admitted into civil and military offices: but by that rash measure, liberality and toleration were thrown away; the arts and manufactures were driven into other countries, to flourish in a more genial foil, and under a milder form of government. This fhould ferve as a caution to the church of England; perfecution may prevail for a time, but it generally terminates in the punishment of its abet

tors.

After animadverting upon the conduct of the bishop of St. David's, who had, about that time, fent a circular letter to the clergy of his diocefe, diffuading them, in the ftrongeft terms, from giving their votes for a certain member of the house of commons, on account of his having fupported the petition of the diffenters, and thereby attempted to overthrow our ecclefiaftical conftitution; Mr. Fox concluded an able, temperate, and judicious fpeech, by declaring, that he was fufficiently aware of the

unpopularity of the cause he had un, dertaken; that he knew that some of the perfons, whom he moft valued and respected, differed with him in opinion upon the subject; that he had no particular connexion with the parties, who confidered themfelves as aggrieved, but, on the contrary, that they had been amongst his most violent political enemies; but regarding their caufe as the caufe of truth and liberty, he should give it his warmest support both upon the prefent and on every future occafion.

The act of the 13th of Charles II. "for the well governing and regu"lating corporations, &c." and the act of the 25th of Charles II. "for "preventing dangers which may "arife from popith recufants, &c." having been previously read at the table, Mr. Fox moved,-"That this houfe will immediately refolve itself into a committee of the whole houfe, to confider of fo much of the faid acts as requires perfons, before they are admitted to any office, civil or military, or any place of truft under the crown, to receive the facrament of the Lord's fupper according to the rites of the church of England,"

The motion was feconded by Sir Henry Hoghton, and oppofed in a long and able speech by Mr. Pitt. He began by expreffing his obligations to Mr. Fox for his clear and candid ftatement of the precife object of the diffenters in their prefent application, and of the full extent to which his motion was intended to be carried. Whatever doubts he might before have entertained relative to the expediency of admitting any alteration in the acts, which had been read, he certainly could not hefitate a moment in oppofing their direct and total abolition.