Members of both Houses of Parliament, contains the following passage.

"A reformation, radical and effective, in the *whole of our colonial system must be made, or "the day of retribution is not, cannot be, remote. "Even now a Negro Empire is rising in the "Charibbean Seas, in fearful strength and energy. "The slave-drivers of Jamaica may yet strut their "hour as legislators, and publish their childish "boasts of independence; but they have in King

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Christophe, and President Petion, near neigh"bours, who may ere long, if they heed not the "calls of mercy and justice, address these blus"terers in a style yet more peremptory than "their own.

It is a singular coincidence of circumstances, that the Jamaica Planters should for the first time be threatened by Mr. Macaulay with the hostility of Petion and Christophe, now that Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Stephen are become their correspondents. Such a menace coming from such a quarter, cannot be considered as a mere brutum fulmen; and if it is really founded on any thing that has passed between them and their new allies, it is high time for His Majesty's Ministers to inquire into, and guard against machinations, that portend the ruin of Jamaica, and

* Review of Reasons for Registry re-printed, p. 31, 32.

the fulfilment of the prediction made by Mr. Stephen, "that the new black dynasty of Hayti, "will in no distant time, subvert the relations of "the western world, as at present constituted."

Christophe should be aware, that while he may flatter himself with the hope of obtaining the recognition of his authority, as an independent and legitimate sovereign, through the influence of Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Stephen with the British Government, he may perhaps find himself an instrument and sacrifice to their project of emancipation; for if such a developement of his views should be made, as should render a blockade of his ports a necessary precaution on the part of the British Government, for the preservation of their own colonies, his commerce, the source of his wealth and power, would be at an end; his subjects might become discontented and disaffected, and rid themselves of him to place another leader on the throne, whose system of policy would be more conducive to their interests and happiness.

Mr. Stephen and Mr. Wilberforce have already made so many declarations, as to their views and intentions respecting emancipation, all of them so inconsistent with each other, that the moment they touch upon this subject, con

tradiction stares them in the face. Mr. Stephen

appears conscious of this; for he says, "And "here, my dear Wilberforce, it may not be im

proper to guard myself and you from future imputations of inconsistency, on this great "and interesting subject. Knowing your views "of it as fully as my own, I will here publicly repeat the avowal of what our intentions really "are. If a general registry of slaves be obtained,

(not such as the interior legislatures will or can "establish, but such as your Bill proposes to "provide, a register which should really prove "effectual to its object,) there we are content "that the reforming of slavery by Act of Par"liament shall end. Though I have no autho"rity to speak for the friends of our cause at large, I doubt not but such is the common

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opinion, and would be the willing engagement "of those who act with us, in promoting the registration of slaves."

This new confession of faith is confined to Mr. Stephen and Mr. Wilberforce; for being made without any authority from the friends of their cause at large, as to them it of course means nothing; and even as to themselves, it will require some ingenuity on their part, to reconcile their present with their past declarations.

In the Report entitled Reasons for Registry,

which Mr. Stephen framed, and Mr. Wilberforce adopted, they openly avow emancipation to be their object; declare, that "they regard colo"nial slavery as an evil which they are bound "to terminate, as a reproach which they are "called upon to wipe off."* In the present pamphlet, Mr. Stephen says, "If a general registry of slaves be obtained, there we are con"tent that the Act of Parliament for reforming " of slavery shall end." Last year, slavery was an evil which they were bound to terminate, a reproach which they were called upon to wipe off. This year the evil may continue, and the call to wipe off this reproach is no longer felt. It would puzzle an assembly of casuists to divine, how these gentlemen can have got over the scruples, which must weigh in the mind of every man who considers the obligation of moral and religious duties as invariably the same, at making the latter declaration, if they were sincere in the former.

Mr. Stephen, in his letter to Mr. Smith of January 5, 1813, printed in my former pamphlet, treats the design of the emancipation of the slaves as the renewal of a stale and idle charge against both Mr. Wilberforce and himself; and says, it was long the watch-word of the colonial party. Mr. Wilberforce, in his letter

Reasons for Registry, p. 4. + Thoughts, &c. p. 9.

"the

to Prince Talleyrand, printed in 1814, says, hostility of the West Indians was greatly aggravated by an attempt which had been made, "with considerable success, to confound the "abolition of the trade in slaves, with the " emancipation of those already in the colonies; "though the abolitionists took all opportunities "of proclaiming, that it was the Slave Trade, "not Slavery, against which they were directing "their efforts."* Thus, in 1813 and 1814, both these gentlemen disclaimed all intentions of emancipation; treated the very idea of their entertaining such a design as a stale and idle charge, which had been publicly disclaimed; and as a weak invention of the enemy. In 1815, they both openly avow it; and in 1816, they both abjure it again, with certain restrictions and reservations. What tenets they will maintain in 1817, may afford a curious subject of disquisition, to the inquisitive; but time alone can discover.

Mr. Wilberforce, in his letter to Prince Talleyrand, does justice to the humane feelings of British subjects; and declares, that "such has "been the progress of truth and right, such the consequences of the developement of the real "nature and effects of the Slave Trade, that now, throughout the kingdom, not an indivi

* Letter to Prince Talleyrand, p. 21.