To those, who place confidence in the truth and reality of revealed religion, the present seems a moment of peril and alarm to the old national establishments of Europe, whether civil or ecclesiastical. It is their almost universal belief, that the time cannot be far distant, when the Son of God is to put down all rule, and all authority and power, and set up his own kingdom throughout the world. Before this great event, there must be changes and revolutions; and the Almighty Redeemer shall, in his own time and way, show who is the blessed and only Potentate, the King of kings and Lord of lords. Whatever may be the advantages and improvements of Europe, in its present state, (and they are many) we there see many reasons to deplore the folly, the depravity and the madness of our species. The life of man, when compared with endless duration, or even when viewed with relation to the important ends of his existence on earth, is very short. To see nations eagerly engaged in mutual destruction, laboring incessantly to push their fellow creatures from the stage of action, is shocking beyond expression. Yet such seems to be the business of the principal powers of the most enlightened and civilized quarter of the globe. They surely are as forgetful of their duty and destiny, as they are mistaken in the pursuit of happiness. How ill prepared are they to go from the crimes and horrors of the bloody field, into the presence of their final Judge? Is the tide of ruin and desolation never to cease? Are the dark ages returning, with redoubled horror,-upon mankind? or shall light and peace break forth, like the sun from behind a cloud? -"THOU only know'st Thou, whose broad eye the future and the past [A connected account of the French Revolution and of Bonaparte.-Lewis XVI. ascended the throne of France in the year 1774. Wanting in decision of character, he was occasionally influenced by sinister counsels, and led into arbitrary measures. The influence of his queen was not always salutary. Nursed in a despotic court, and finding the established government in France, unfettered and unchastised, by a regard for the rights of the people, she frequently counteracted the patriotic views of Lewis, and opposed those mild measures, to which he was naturally inclined. Lewis found a court abandoned to the utmost extravagance and prodigality for the support of which, the Third Estate, for commons, suffered the most cruel extortions. They alone were subjects of taxation. Besides a dissipated court, an army of 200,000 men in peace, and double that number in war a great marine establishment, public roads, works, &c. were all supported exclusively by the common people. While the commons thus suffered in every form, all ranks were kept in terror by the Bastile and Letters de Cachet.* Lewis, early in his reign, discovered a disposition to ameliorate the condition of his subjects, and to reform the abuses of government. He recalled the venerable count de Maurepas, whom the vicious policy of the late reign had banished from the court. M. Turgot, an upright and enlightened minister, was chosen, to fill the place of comptroller general, that the disordered state of the finances might be rectified. In conjunction with men of such talents, Lewis hoped for a salutary reform. In compliance with the general wish of the nation, he restored the ancient courts, denominated parliaments. The economical administration of Turgot soon procured copious censures from the court and clergy. He was dismissed. In 1776, the celebrated M. Necker was appointed to the office of supreme director of the finances. His distinguished duties justified his appointment, and showed, that the king had consulted the real interest of the nation. He labored with sedulous zeal, to bring the expenditure within the compass of the receipts. His efforts were crowned with success. In an account presented to the king, after three years of war, he stated, that the established revenue exceeded, by 1,887,000 dollars, the ordinary expenses of the state; thus providing a basis for future loans. Intrigue and cabal at length effected the removal of Necker. His successors either wanted his integrity or abilities. In 1795 the finances were in so deranged a state, as to set the king and the parliament of Paris completely at variance. The famous M. de Calonne was at that time, comptroller general. Feeling, that the imposition of new taxes by royal authority, would be dangerous, he suggested to Lewis the *Letters from the king of France, by which a person was arbitrarily imprisoned or exiled. expediency of convening an assembly of the Notables, consisting of reputable and distinguished persons, selected by the sovereign from the privileged orders. This assembly met on the 22d of February, 1787. Calonne reported the state of the national funds; exhibited the immense extent of the public debt, and the insufficiency of the revenues for the annual expenses of the nation. He laid before the assembly, his plan of reform and taxation. The principal object of this, was to equalize the public burdens, and thus diminish the weight of oppression, which, for years, had crushed the lower classes. His method of taxation, from which none were to be exempt, was strongly opposed by the nobility, clergy and magistracy. The influence of the minister sunk before that of the privileged orders. M. de Calonne was dismissed, and fled to England. The Notables refused to share with the people in supporting the public burdens; and the assembly was dismissed without having accomplished any thing beneficial. The disputes between the king and the parliament became daily more serious. In order to dispel the darkness, which surrounded the political horizon of France, and to dissipate the clouds, which portended awful destruction, the king resolved to convoke the States General; a legitimate assembly of the nation, consisting, like the British parliament, of the nobility, the prelates and commons, or representatives of the people. To a meeting of the States, all classes looked forward with anxious eagerness. Almost every one became a politician, capable, in his own opinion, of discussing important questions of government, of inquiring into the rights of man and the laws of society. The three orders, at length, convened at Versailles, May 5, 1789. But their first proceedings were attended by circumstances inauspicious. Unanimity of council was prevented by the opposite views of the different orders; and the people, distracted by various rumors, imagined, that these dissensions were fomented by the intrigues of the court. An unusual scarcity of provisions, at the same time, Increased the ferment; and the populace corrupted by disorganising principles, ascribed every evil, whether political or natural, to regal or aristocratical influence. While the court was embarrassed and torn by party views and feelings, the general ferment in Paris increased. The people, at length, broke out into open revolt, rushed to the hotel of Invalids, and seized on the arms there deposited. The Parisians now being supplied with arms and ammunition, broke through every restraint. But while the Bastile remained in the power of the crown, the revolutionists could not think themselves secure On the 14th of July, 1789, that awful fortress of despotism, whose name, for ages, had inspired terror, was invested by a mixed multitude of citizens and soldiers, and levelled with the ground. But so comparatively mild had been the government of Lewis, that in the apartments of this justly dreaded prison, so long sacred to silence and despair, were found only seven prisonfour of whom were accused of forgery. ers With a view of having the king more completely in their power the revolutionary chiefs resolved to procure a removal of the assembly to the metropolis, where riots might easily be excited for the purpose of intimidation. To effect this, men and women of the lowest class were instigated by the democratic faction, to go to Versailles to demand bread. A formidable body with Maillard at their head, commenced a disorderly march for that purpose. The mayor and municipality of Paris ordered La Fayette instantly to set out for Versailles, at the head of the national guards. When he arrived with his army at 10 o'clock at night, he found the Assembly in a very unpleasant situation. Their hall and galleries were crowded with Parisian fish women, and others of the mob, who, at every instant, interrupted the debates. La Fayette prevailed upon the assembly to close their sitting for the night, and planted guards in every quarter. All was quiet, till 6 in the morning, when a great number of women and desperate persons rushed forward to the palace, and attempted to force their way into it. Two of the guards were killed, and the assailants entered the palace, denouncing vengeance against the queen. She had opportunely escaped to the king's apartment. The tumult every moment became more violent, and sudden death seemed to threaten the royal family. La Fayette, now at the head of his troops, was successful in driving the mob from the palace, which they were beginning to pillage. The riot being quelled, the royal family ventured to show themselves at a balcony. A few voices exclaimed, The King to Paris. The shout soon became general; and Lewis after consulting his ministers, concluded to take up his residence at Paris, provided he should be accompanied by the queen and his children. The assembly voted itself inseparable from the court, and made prepara tions for the immediate progress of one hundred members, in company with the royal family. The heads of two victims were carried upon pikes by the advanced guard of the rabble; the Parisian militia followed; and the "royal captives (in the forcible and indignant language of Burke) were slowly moved along, amidst the horrid yells, and shrill screams, and frantic dances, and infamous contumelies, and all the unutterable abominations of the furies of hell, in the abused shape of the vilest of women." This triumph of faction over royalty, so disgusted many of the representatives, that they seceded from the assembly. The king was constrained to dismiss the body guards from the precincts of the palace. His ministers were harassed with suspicions and calumnies; and his views and intentions were studiously misrepresented. In the progress of varied arrangements, alterations were made in the state of the church, by placing all her property at the disposal of the nation monastic establishments were dissolved; feudal privileges and rights suppressed; and the kingdom, by the artful Abbe Sieyes was divided into 83 departments. As the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile approached, great preparations were made for the celebrity of a national confederation. A spacious amphitheatre was thrown up in the Champ de Mars, or plain of Mars, capable of containing 400,000 spectators. 2000 workmen were employed in this operation; and the people of Paris, fearing, lest the plan might not be completed, assisted in the labor. All ranks of persons, the nobles, clergy and even ladies, with an eagerness for novelty so peculiar to that people, united their efforts. The 14th of July, at length, arrived. At six in the morning, the procession was arranged on the Boulevards, or walks, which was extremely splendid. The National Assembly passed through a grand triumphal arch, and the king and queen, attended by the foreign ministers, were placed in a superb box. After a solemn invocation to God, the king, amidst the deepest silence, approached the altar, and took the following oath. I the king of the French, do swear to the nation, that I will employ the whole power delegated to me by the constitutional law of the state, to maintain the constitution, and enforce the execution of the laws. Then the National Assembly, the deputies of the national guards, and every individual of this immense assembly, took the civic |