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fidence to my people. When I first delity. I wish them to know how reappeared among you, I found men's sensibly I feel them, and that it is minds agitated, and heated by con- from among all Frenchmen I shall deflicting passions. My views encoun- light to choose those who are to aptered on every side nothing but diffi- proach my person and my family. I culties and obstacles.-My govern- wish to exclude from my presence ment was liable to commit errors- none but those whose celebrity is matperhaps it did commit them. There ter of grief to France, and of horror are times when the purest intentions to Europe. In the plot which they are insufficient to direct, or sometimes hatched, I perceive many of my sub, they even mislead.
jecis misled, and some guilty. " Experience alone could teach; it “I promise-Iwbonever promised in shall not be lost. All that can save vain (all Europe knows it)- to pardon France is my wish,
misled Frenchmen, all that has passed “ Mysubjects have learned by cruel since the day I quitted Lille, amidst trials, that the principle of the legi- so many tears, up to the day when I timacy of sovereigns is one of the fun- re-entered Cambrai, amidst so many damental bases of social order,-the acclamations. only one upon which, amidst a great “ But the blood of my people has nation, a wise and well-ordered liber- flowed, in consequence of a treason of ty can be established. This doctrine which the annals of the world presenç has just been proclaimed as that of no example. That treason has sumall Europe. I had previously conse- moned foreigners into the heart of crated it by my charter; and I claim France. Every day reveals to me a to add to that charter all the guaran
new disaster. I owe it, then, to the tees which can secure the benefits dignity of my crown, to the interest of it.
of my people, to the repose of Eu“The unity of ministry is the strong- rope, to except from pardon the inest that I can offer. I mean that it stigators and authors of this horrible should exist, and that the frank and plot. They shall be designated to the firm march of my council should gua- vengeance of the laws by the two Chamrantee all interests, and calm all in. bers, which I propose forthwith to asquietudes.
semble. “ Some have talked latterly of the “ Frenchimen, such are the sentiments restoration of tithes and feudal rights. which he brings among you, whom This fable, invented by the common time had not been able to change, nor enemy, does not require confutation. calamities fatigue, nor injustice made It will not be expected, that the king to stoop: The king, whose fathers should stoop to refute calumpies and reigned for eight centuries over your's, lies: the success of the treason has returns to consecrate the remainder of too clearly indicated their source. If his days in defending and consoling the purchasers of national property you. have felt alarm, the charter should “Given at Cambrai, this 28th of June, suffice to re-assure them. Did I not in the year of our Lord 1815, and myself propose to the Chambers, and of our reign the 21st. cause to be executed, sales of such (Signed)
“ Louis. property? This proof of my sinceri.
" By the King. ty is unanswerable.--In these laiter
« Prince TALLEYRAN, times, my subjects of all classes have
" Minister Secretary of State for given me equal proofs of love and ti.
In vindicating himself from the char- pose," the maintaining entire the conges brought against his government, ditions of peace concluded at Paris on Louis acted like a prudent monarch; the 30th May 1814," and the stipuand, in the language he held towards lations determined upon, and signed his misled or guilty subjects, that of at the Congress of Vienna, in order one willing to blend justice with cle to complete the disposition of that mency. But he has been censured for treaty; Now, by the treaty of Paris, following that path to the throne which as well as by the stipulations of the was opened to him by the sword of his Congress, the intiuencing cause of all allies, and for claiming the throne as the favourable conditions granted to his hereditary right, and for affirming France, is unequivocally declared to that the doctrine of legitimacy of so- be,“ her being replaced under the vereigns had been just proclaimed as paternal government of her kings;" that of all Europe. It is clear the so- so that the right of Louis to the Jution of the first of these scruples crown was in fact the basis of the must rest upon that applied to the se- whole treaty. We shall hereafter see, cond. For if Louis XVIII. had a that the French, always ingenious lawful right to the throne from which in bottoming their diplomatic pleadhe was expelled, his title to use his ing upon some separate and detachown proper force, or to avail himselfed principle, caught at the declaof that of his allies for its recovery, ration of the Allied Powers, and of cannot admit of an instant's doubt. Britain in particular, that they did The allied army were the auxiliaries not consider themselves as bound to of Louis, as the English troops had prosecute the war with a view to imformerly been those of his ancestor, posing any particular government; but Henry IV., and a victory gained by it is clear that the reserving to themthem was essentially a victory in the selves the privilege of making no furking's cause, and of which he was, ther exertions in the behalf of the therefore, free to avail himself. The Bourbons, in case of events proving prudence of losing no time in reassu- unpropitious to them, than was conming, or endeavouring to reassume, sistent with what they owed to their the reins of government,the policy of own states, by no means limited or suppressing the machinations of the prevented the allies from doing all in factious by his early reappearance in their power to contribute to the auspihis capital,—the humanity and pater- cious event of the restoration of their nal spirit which induced bim as speedi. allies the Bourbons, should circumly as possible to interfere, by his pre- stances render that consummation atsence and his mediation, between the tainable. Of this, we will speak more allied generals and his erring but suf- fully presently. fering subjects, are all so plain and We will, however, though averse to evident, that it is unnecessary to waste abstract discussions on the origin and words upon them,
nature of government, take this op. That the doctrine of legitimacy bad portunity of looking somewhat closejust been recognized by the sanction ly into the nature of this doctrine of of united Europe, was as true as that legitimacy, which has become such a the treaty of Vienna had been sub- dreadful bug-bear to modern politiscribed by the plenipotentiaries of the cians. That the men who had aided four greatest powers of Europe, and to murder one king and dethrone adhered to by all the rest. That trea- another, should be vehement against ty had for its express object and pur. the restoration of the latter, arose out of the nature of things. That the strange actions, opinions, and rethose who had aided Buonaparte to volutions of the last quarter of a cenattain his usurped power, had swin- tury, entitled to wonder at any thing. dled him out of it in his adversity,
If there be faith in derivation, this and had assumed the government in- alarming word legitimacy comes from to their own hands, should be loth to the Latin, and implies neither divine part with it to the lawful owner, was por indefeasible right in the party to equally natural; even granting they whom the quality belongs, but a claim had no reason to have apprehended arising out of birth or descent. Such merited punishment, as one necessary claims have been received at all times, consequence of bis restoration. It was and among all nations, even the most also a matter of course that they barbarous. The poet, indeed, has should exclaim, in their anguish of made a ranting hero exclaim, in a mortification and fear, “ Give us for tone which would fit some modern our king the English Wellington— agitators, the Cossack Platoff-any one but the lawful monarch, who comes with the I am as free as nature first made man, right to punish our rebellion and Ere the base laws of servitude began, treachery." These sentiments, so ge
When wild in woods the noble savage ran. nerally and so naturally entertained, pot by the people of France at large, But it seems doubtful whether such a but by the demagogues who had sei- state of absolute and unrestrained zed the helm of state when it esca- freedom ever existed, except perhaps ped the palsied grasp of Buonaparte, in the solitary case of Adam, before are precisely the feelings of thieves the creation of Eve; for when our or robbers, who will throw away first parent bad a wife and family, their stolen goods for the benefit of they became subjects to his paternal the first stranger that chances to pass authority. It is speedily found expehy, rather than acknowledge them. dient to transfer to the eldest son that selves guilty of the theft, by resto- office of head of the family which bering them to the rightful owner; law comes vacant by the death of the fabeing to such depredators the same ther. It passes to him with its ad. natural object of terror that legiti- vantages of power and property, and, mate right is to rebels and traitors. rightly viewed, with the relative duties But that the gibberish with which of advising, restraining, and protectthese men sought to vindicate their ing the younger branches of the fa. fears, and white-wash their miserable mily. In one respect or other, such cause, should have found tongues and laws of succession subsist in all counpens to re-echo it in any other coun- tries; the feudal constitutions, for iry-that there should be a certain certain reasons peculiar to their strucclass of politicians in Britain, who can- ture, gave even greater weight to the not even pronounce this word legiti. principle. It is recognized by all the macy (in itself, surely, not merely an nations of Europe, and, strange as it innocent but a venerable sound,) save may seem, we have heard of no zeawith spitting, bissing, and braying, lous friend of liberty, either in France as at once a term of ridicule and or Britain, who has repudiated the reprobation—that all this should be, succession of his fathers, because, to might indeed be a matter of won. the prejudice of younger brothers and der, were those who have witnessed sisters wortbier perhaps than himself,
it has descended upon him by the ty- check, for their own sakes, upon the rannical, absurd, and ridiculous prin- exercise of his power; and thus proviciple of legitimacy.
sion is made for the correction of all A regulation so useful in ordinary ordinary evils of administration, sinee, life, is adopted from analogy into na. to use an expressive though vulgar tional government. While states, in.. simile, it is better to rectify any ocdeed, are small, and before laws are casional deviation from the regular settled, and when much depends on course by changing the coachman, the personal ability and talents of the than by overturning the carriage. monarch; the power, which, for aught Such, therefore, is the principle of we know, may be among the abstract- legitimacy, invoked by Louis XVIII., ed rights of man, of chusing each chief and recognized by the allies. But it magistrate after the death of his pre- must not be confounded with the sladecessor, or perhaps more frequently, vish doctrine, that the right thus vestmay be exercised without much incon- ed is by divine origin indefeasible. The venience. But as states become ex- heir-al-law in private life may dissitended, and their constitutions cir- pate by his folly, or forfeit by his cumscribed and bounded by laws, crimes, the patrimony which the law which leave less scope and less neces- conveys to him; and the legitimate sity for the exercise of the sovereign's monarch may most unquestionably, magisterial functions, men are glad to by departing from the principles of exchange the licentious privilege of a the constitution under which he is Tartarian couroullai, or a Polish diet, called to reign, forfeit, for himfor the principle of legitimacy, be- self and for his heirs if the legis. cause the chance of a hereditary suc- lature shall judge it proper, that cessor proving adequate to the du- crown which the principle we have ties of his situation, is, at least, equal recognized bestowed on him as his to that of a popular election lighting birth-right. This is an extreme case, upon a worthy candidate ; and be provided, not in virtue of the consticause, in the former case, the nation tution, which recognizes no possible is spared the convulsions occasioned delinquency in the sovereign, but be. by previous competition and solicita- cause the constitution has been attion, and succeeding heart-burnings, tacked and infringed upon by the factions, civil war, and ruin, uniformly monarch, and therefore can no longer found to attend the latter.
be permitted to afford bim strelter. The doctrine of legitimacy is pe- The crimes by which this high penal. culiarly valuable in a limited mo- ty is justly incurred, must therefore narchy, because it affords a degree of be of an extraordinary nature, and stability otherwise unattainable. The beyond the reach of those correctives principle of hereditary monarchy, join- for which the constitution provides, ed to that which declares that the king by the punishment of ministers and can do no wrong, provides for the per- counsellors. The constitutional buckmanence of the executive government, ler of impeccability covers the moand represses that ambition which narch (personally) for all blamewor. would animate so many bosoms, were thy use of his power, providing it is there a prospect of the supreme sway exercised within the limits of the conbecoming vacant, or subject to elec- stitution ; it is when he stirs beyond tion from time to time. The king's it, and not sooner, that it becomes no ministers, on the other hand, being defence for the bosom of a tyrant. responsible for his actions, remain a A King of Britain, for example, may
wage a rash war, or make a disgrace- forfeilure of his legitimate rights, he ful peace, in the lawful, though inju. had, during these few monibs, laid a dic ous and blame-worthy, exercise of strong claim to the love, veneration, the power vested in him by the con and gratitude of his subjects
. He had stitution. His ad isers, not he him. fallen a sacrifice, in some degree, to self, shall be called, in such a case, to thehumours and rashness of the princes their responsibility. But if, liko James of his family—still more to causeless II., be infringes upon, or endeavours jealousies and unproved doubts, the to destrov the constitution, it is then water-colours which insurrection nethat resistance becomes lawtül and ver lacks to paint her cause with but, honourable, and the king is justly, above all, to the fickleness of the held to have forfeited the right which French people, who became tired of his descended to bim from his foreta. simple, orderly, and peacetul governthers.
ment, and to the dissatisfaction of a The principles of hereditary mo- licentious and licensed soldiety, and narchy, of the inviolability of the per- of moody banditti, panting for a time son of the king, and of the responsis of pell-mell havoc and confusion. The bility of ministers, were recognized by torcible expulsion of Louis XVIII., the constitutional charter of France. arising from such motives, could not Louis XVIII. was, therefore, during break the solemn compact entered in. the year previous to Buonaparte's re. to by France' with all Europe, when turn, the lawful sovereign of France, she received her legitimate monarch and it remains to be shown by what from the hand of her clement con. ače of treason to the constitution he querors, and with him, and for his had forfeited his right of legitimacy. sake, such conditions of peace as she If the reariér will turn back to our was in no condition to demand, and sixt's chapter, (and we arë not con. could never have otherwise öntained. scious ot having spared the conduct of His misfortune, as it arose from no the Bourbons ) he will probably be of fault of his own, could inter no for. opinion with us, that the errors of his feiture of bis vested right; Europe, the government were not only fewer than virtual guarantee of the treaty of Pa. might have been expected in circum. ris, had also a title, leading back the stances so new and difficult, but were lawful king in her armed and victo. of such a nature as an honest, well. rious hand, to require of France bis meaning, and upright opposition would re-instatement in his rights; and the soon have checked; he will find that termination which she thus offered to But one of them could be person. the war was as just and equitable, as ally attributed to Louis XVIII., and its conduct during this þriet campaiga that, far from having incurred the had been honourable and successtuk