erty created at the expense of existing establishments in favour of the cause of political improvement, and furnishes one of the most singular instances perhaps that could be produced of an effect,"counter-working its cause."

It may be remarked finally, that the ultimate issue of the present struggle will depend upon the future progress of civilization. If civilization,

instead of advancing any farther, should decline from its present state and go to decay in the countries where it has now attained its greatest height, the advance of liberal political principles will stop with it: and instead of spreading into other parts of Europe where they have not yet penetrated, their influence will gradually disappear from the regions, which they now in greater or less degrees enlighten. If, on the contrary, as every thing seems to indicate, commerce, manufactures, and agriculture-though perhaps labouring at this moment under a temporary depression-are likely for a long and indefinite future period to advance by regularly and rapidly increasing steps, in consequence of the great increase of population, which must necessarily take place in the European settlements all over the globe, and the consequent great augmentation of demand for the products of labour in all its forms—then it may be safely asserted, that

the cause of good government and liberty is also in an advancing state, that it will continue to gain ground in those parts of Europe and the world, where its triumph is yet only partial; and will even gradually penetrate into regions, whose population is now unanimously arrayed against it, or is too barbarous even to form an idea of the existence of such a blessing.

Having thus exhibited the point of view under which the general affairs of Europe present themselves to my mind, I shall now consider a little more in detail the situation of the principal powers; beginning with France, which has long been the central point of European politics.

CHAPTER II.

France.

THE situation of France is perhaps more satisfactory at present, than that of any other European power, whether we consider the advantages which it actually enjoys, or its favourable prospects for the future. If any thing could afford compensation for the crimes and horrors, of which that nation has been the theatre for the last thirty years, it would be this fortunate and beneficial result. In the

midst of these excesses the principles of liberty, which were brought into action at the commencement of the revolution, have been gradually and slowly working out their effects; and these are now manifested in a highly improved state of the public and private economy of this great people. Doubtless there are still some clouds hanging over the future. New convulsions of a certain extent and importance may by possibility occur: but under any circumstances the substantial advantages now enjoyed in France seem to be secure. I shall class the remarks, I have to offer upon this subject, under the heads of the state of private property— the forms of administration-the character of public opinion—and the policy of the cabinet.

It may appear singular that the finances should not be reckoned one of the principal objects of consideration, since it is almost the only point of importance with some of the great European powers. But the French finances are at present in so flourishing and well settled a state, as to leave but little room for observation in a political point of view. The debt is small, compared with the population and resources of the country, and in a rapid course of extinction. Taxes, to the full amount of the annual expenditure, are collected without difficulty, and though high, are apparently

not excessively burdensome; and the ominous cry of deficit is not heard within the walls of the French parliament: no other in the old world, or, I am sorry to add, the new, can make the same boast. This point alone, if there were no other, would give to France a very decided and important advantage in respect of political situation, over the other European powers. Without dwelling upon this head, I proceed therefore to consider the state of private property, which has undergone great alterations and improvements during the late convulsions.

The laws, which give security to private property and regulate the distribution of it, are perhaps the most important features in the political institutions of every country, although generally looked upon as of less consequence than those, which determine the forms of legislation and administration. Property is in fact the principal element of political power. Hence the laws, which regulate the distribution of it, regulate at the same time the distribution of power; and consequently determine in substance the character of the government, whatever may be its outward forms. Property is also the means by which individuals procure the advantages which social institutions were intended to secure, as the comforts and enjoyments of life ;

education-virtuous dispositions-and general happiness. The laws, which regulate the distribution of property, determine, therefore, in a great degree, the manner in which these blessings shall be distributed through the community. It may seem at first view paradoxical to assert, that virtuous dispositions can be obtained through the medium of property; or, in a shorter phrase, can be bought for money. Pope indeed tells us explicitly, that esteem and love, the natural results and attendants of virtue, were never to be sold: and the remark is true in the sense in which it was intended to be understood. It is equally true however, that moral depravity is, generally speaking, the necessary attendant of extreme and abject wretchedness; and that the best method of securing the general prevalence of virtuous habits through all classes of the community is to place within the reach of the greatest possible number of persons the means of obtaining honestly a share in the comforts of life. This is done by regulating the distribution of property, in the way best fitted to effect that object. Hence the great importance of the laws relating to this subject, which have hitherto been too little regarded by professed politicians, theoretical and practical.