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absentis deferre statuit. Ludos autem victoriae Caesaris, non audentibus facere quibus optigerat id munus, ipse edidit. Et quo constantius cetera quoque exequeretur, in locum TR. PL. forte demortui candidatum se ostendit, quanquam patricius necdum senator. Sed adversante conatibus suis M. Antonio 5

the city again. They stayed in Italy till towards the end of August, at first at Lanuvium [Cic. ad fam. 11, 2], then at Antium [ad Att. 15, 11, 12], and finally, after collecting ships and men, at Velia and at Naples [ad Att. 16, 7]. The scene at the theatre in which C. Antonius presided in the place of Brutus at the games of Apollo in July, though Cicero afterwards declared it to be extraordinarily favourable to Brutus [2 Phil. § 31 incredibili honore], was really far from encouraging [ad Att. 16, 5; cp. App. B. civ. 3, 24 éμμíolwv yap τινων ἀνακραγόντων κατακαλεῖν Βρουτόν τε καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπεὶ τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτοῖς θέατρον συνεδημαγωγεῖτο ἐς τὸν ἔλεον, éσédрaμov álρóo (Octavian's partisans) καὶ τὰς θέας ἐπέσχον μέχρι τὴν ἀξίωσιν αὐτῶν σβέσαι].

legibus. See passage of the Monumentum quoted above. The law for the trial of the conspirators was brought in by Octavian's cousin and colleague in the consulship, Q. Pedius [c. 83], who had served with his uncle in Gaul, and was a joint heir by his will. Vell. Paterc. 2, 69 et lege Pedia, quam Cos. Pedius collega Caesaris tulerat, omnibus qui Caesarem patrem interfecerant aqua ignique damnatis interdictum erat. Cp. Appian B. civ. 3, 95; Dio 46, 48. This took place in August B.C. 43; but the subsequent proscriptions of the triumvirs in November caused Pedius so much distress and excitement that he died [App. B. civ. 4, 6].

These

ludos...victoriae Caesaris. games had been intended to be exhibited on the Palilia (21 April) in celebration of Caesar's Spanish victory, and were to accompany the dedication of the completed temple of Venus Victrix vowed at Pharsalus in B.C. 49 [App. 2, 102; Dio 43, 2; 45, 6]. After his death they were not proceeded with; but Octavian on coming to Rome at once took measures for their celebration in May, securing the services of Matius Calvinus [ad Att. 15, 2; ad Fam. 11, 27-28] and Postumius, two warm friends of the Dictator [ad fam.

6, 12] as procuratores. For the comet mentioned by Suetonius [Iul. 88] as having appeared during these games, which the people believed to be the soul of Caesar being received among the gods, see Pliny N. H. 2 893-94 Cometes in uno totius orbis loco colitur in templo Romae, admodum faustus divo Augusto iudicatus ab ipso, qui incipiente eo adparuit ludis quos faciebat Veneri Genetrici non multo post obitum patris Caesaris in collegio ab eo instituto. Dio 45, 7.

in locum Tribuni Plebeii. The vacancy seems to have been caused by the death of Helvius Cinna, who was killed by the mob in mistake for L. Cornelius Cinna, one of the assassins [Plut. Caes. 68; Brutus 20; Dio 45, 5]. Antony prevented Octavian's candidature by an edict, in virtue of his consular power of coercitio, App. B. civ. 3, 31 πроʊɣраþeν ὡς ὕπατος μηδενὶ Καίσαρα ἐγχειρεῖν παρανόμως, ἢ χρήσεσθαι κατ' αὐτοῦ παντὶ μέτρῳ τῆς ἐξουσίας. Plut. Ant. 16 δημαρχίαν τε γὰρ ἐνέστη μετιόντι καὶ δίφρον χρυσοῦν τοῦ πατρός, ὥσπερ ἐψήφιστο, τιθέντος ἠπείλησεν εἰς φυλακὴν ἀπάξειν. The constitutional grounds on which the opposition rested seem to have been I. the patriciate conferred on Octavius by Iulius; II. his age; III. his not having been quaestor and so a senator (necdum senator). This last involved a breach of custom though not of law [Willans le Sénat 1, p. 212], and Antony found that he would be elected, and consequently stopped the comitia [ὥστε...ἀνελεῖν τὴν χειροτονίαν τοῖς ὑπολοίποις τῶν δημάρχων ἀρκούμενον, App. 7. c.].

adversante...Antonio. The first point in which Antony opposed Octavian was in regard to a large sum of money (about £5000000) left by Caesar in the temple of Ops. Of this as Caesar's heir Octavian demanded an account, which Antony refused on the grounds that it was public money, and did not come to Caesar's heir, who had no public position in virtue of the will, for Caesar had of course no power to leave

5

consule, quem vel praecipuum adiutorem speraverat, ac ne publicum quidem et tralaticium ius ulla in re sibi Breach sine pactione gravissimae mercedis impertiente, ad with M. optimates se contulit, quibus eum invisum sentiebat,

a successor in his public offices. However the second heirs Pinarius and Pedius were paid, and they seem to have handed over their shares to Octavian [App. B. civ. 3, 15-22; cp. Cicero 2 Phil. § 93].

publicum...et tralaticium ius ‘a right open to every one,' 'of an ordinary description.' Cp. Nero 7 tralaticiae postulationes, 'formal motions in a court,' ib. 33 tralaticio funere, 'common,' 'ordinary funeral.' On his arrival in Rome early in May 44, Octavius at once gave notice before the praetor C. Antonius, that he accepted the inheritance of Caesar, and found himself immediately not only involved in a money controversy with M. Antonius, as were his co-heirs Pedius and Pinarius, but had also to defend himself in many actions brought by those who professed to have been wrongfully dispossessed by Caesar; and in these actions he was frequently worsted by Antony's influence [App. Bell. civ. 3, 22 πανταχοῦ τὰ πολλὰ ὁμοίως ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐς χάριν ̓Αντωνίου ἡττᾶτο]. Antony's secret influence was exercised also in the other points,-the tribuneship, the celebration of the games, and the formal lex curiata for his adoption [αὐτὸς μὲν ἐσπούδαζεν δῆθεν εἰσενεγκεῖν, διὰ δὲ δημάρχων τινῶν ἀνεβάλλετο, Dio 45, 5].

ad optimates se contulit. Cicero had from the first hoped to get Octavius on his side as against Antony. He anticipated with pleasure the quarrel that would arise between them,-sed, ut scribis, pošóleμiv magnam cum Antonio, ad Att. 14, 10 (19 Apr. B.C. 43), -and believed that he had secured him on his arrival,...modo venit Octavius, et quidem in proximam villam Philippi, mihi totus deditus, ib. 11 (18 April)... nobiscum hic perhonorifice et amice Octavius, ib. 12 (22 April). These confident expectations were damped by the speech delivered by him in May, when introduced on the Rostra by L. Antonius, and by his celebration of the games in the Dictator's honour, de Octavii contione idem sentio quod tu; ludorumque eius apparatus et Matius ac

Antonius.

Postumius mihi procuratores non placent, ...ib. 15, 2 (18 May). Still his resentment against the murderers of his uncle was for the present carefully concealed, and this gave Cicero hopes of retaining him, though his doubts were not set at rest,... Octaviano, ut perspexi, satis ingenii, satis animi: videbaturque erga nostros heroas ita fore ut nos vellemus animatus. Sed quid aetati credendum sit, quid nomini, quid hereditati, quid KaтNXHσEL, magni consilii est: vitricus quidem nihil censebat, quem Asturae vidimus. Sed tamen alendus est; et, ut nihil aliud, ab Antonio seiungendus, ib. 12 (10 June). It was not however till the latter part of October that the alienation from Antony was complete; when, on the latter leaving Rome to meet the legions at Brundisium from Epirus, Octavian enrolled soldiers from the veterans at Casilinum and Calatia on the plea that Antony was about to march upon Rome. Though he had no authority for doing this, the Optimate party hastened to recognise him, in their hatred of Antony, though Cicero doubted as to giving him direct countenance [ego autem σKÝπтоμai, ad Att. 16, 9], and Varro and some others disapproved. It was not until the 19th of December that thanks were voted in the Senate to Octavian, thus implicitly recognising him [3 Phil. § 39]; and it was only on the 1st Jan. B.C. 43 that imperium was accorded to him, with the rank of pro-praetor and a seat in the Senate [5 Phil. § 46]. It is certain, however, that he was playing a part, and meant only to use the Optimates to give him the power of making terms with Antony on a footing of equality. He himself asserts that he used the troops to destroy the narrow clique then enslaving the country, by which he means the party of Optimates [per quem rem publicam dominatione factionis oppressam in libertatem vindicavi M. A. I § 1, words apparently founded on those of Iulius himself, see B. civ. 1, 22 ut se et Populum Romanum factione paucorum oppressum in libertatem vindicaret].

w

maxime quod D. Brutum obsessum Mutinae provincia a Caesare data et per senatum confirmata expellere armis niteretur. Hortantibus itaque nonnullis percussores ei subornavit, ac fraude deprehensa periculum in vicem metuens veteranos simul in suum ac rei publicae auxilium quanta 5 potuit largitione contraxit; iussusque comparato exercitui pro praetore praeesse et cum Hirtio ac Pansa, qui consulatum susceperant, D. Bruto opem ferre, demandatum bellum tertio

quod D. Brutum...niteretur. The assignation of Gallia Cis-Alpina to Decimus Brutus was among the arrangements made by Iulius preliminary to his starting on the Parthian expedition [App. B. civ. 3, 2]; Antony had carried a lex transferring it to himself in June, B.C.44 (cum legem de provinciarum permutatione per vim tulisset Liv. ep. 107), though he appears to have obtained a vote of the Senate on the Ist of that month in his favour [Cic. ad Att. 14, 14; 15, 4; 1 Phil. § 6; Dio 45, 9]. Decimus Brutus after some hesitation resolved to resist; threw himself into Mutina with his troops, and sent an edict, published in Rome on the 19th of December, declaring that he was in lawful possession of his province, and forbidding any one with imperium to enter it [Cic. ad fam. 11, 6—7]. Antony was by that time on his way to besiege him; and Octavian with his newly levied legion, and with the Martia and 4th legion, which had left Antony and joined him at Alba Fucentia, had also started to the seat of war.

percussores ei subornavit. Whether this attempt to assassinate Antony was really countenanced by Caesar was a matter of dispute at the time. Appian [B. civ. 3, 39] says that most people believed that it was so, but that the few clearer-sighted ones perceived that it was not to his interest to get rid of Antony, as he would immediately find himself confronted by the enmity of the Optimates, who only supported him from fear of Antony. On the other hand, Cicero says that though the common people believed it to be a report got up by Antony himself to discredit Caesar, the Optimates both believed and approved of it... Rerum urbanarum acta tibi mitti certo scio. Quodni ita putarem ipse perscriberem. In primisque "Caesaris Octaviani conatum; de quo multitudini fictum ab Antonio crimen

videtur, ut in pecuniam adolescentis impetum faceret. Prudentes autem et boni viri et credunt factum et probant. ad fam. 12, 23 (written to Cornificius about the 5th October), cp. Seneca de Clem. I, 9, I. Plutarch [Ant. 16] seems to disbelieve it; and Caesar's own version of the affair is probably that given by Nicolas [c. 30], who asserts that Antony deliberately invented both the plot and the report inculpating Caesar, who, as soon as the story reached him, at once visited the consul's house and offered to act as one of his body guard.

veteranos...quanta potuit largitione contraxit. The enrolment began immediately after Antony's departure for Brundisium (9 October). He offered a bounty of 500 denarii (about £20), and soon got men to enlist. ... Veteranos qui Casilini et Calatiae sunt perduxit ad suam sententiam. Nec mirum: quingenos denarios dat. ad Att. 16, 8. For this enrolment of soldiers at his own expense, see M. A. 1; 3 Phil. § 3; Vell. 2, 61.

iussus...susceperant. The decree, of which notice had been given on the 19 December, 44, was passed at the meeting of the Senate on the 1 January 43, when Hirtius and Pansa came into office. It is given in Cicero 5 Phil. § 46 quod C. Caesar, C. f., pontifex, pro praetore summo rei publicae tempore milites veteranos ad libertatem P. R. cohortatus sit eosque conscripserit...senatui placere C. Caesarem C. f. pontificem pro praetore senatorem esse sententiamque loco praetorio dicere. He was at the same time invested with imperium (ib. 45 demus igitur imperium Caesari, cp. 11 Phil. § 20 imperium C. Caesari belli necessitas, fasces senatus dedit). Dio (46, 29) says that he was first inter quaestorios (ἐν τοῖς τεταμιευκόσι), but this seems a mistake. There was, however, a second decree giving him an honorary consulship (ornamenta con

+

His con

Mutina.

mense confecit duobus proeliis. Priore Antonius fugisse eum scribit ac sine paludamento equoque post biduum demum apparuisse, sequenti satis constat non modo duct at ducis, sed etiam militis functum munere atque in 5 media dimicatione, aquilifero legionis suae graviter saucio, aquilam umeris subisse diuque portasse. Hoc bello cum Hirtius 11 in acie, Pansa paulo post ex vulnere perissent, rumor increbruit ambos opera eius occisos, ut Antonio fugato, re publica consulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occuparet. Pansae

sularia), and therefore in the M. A. 1 $3 he says ob quae senatus decretis honorificis in ordinem suum me adlegit C. Pansa A. Hirtio Coss., consularem locum simul dans sententiae ferendae et imperium mihi dedit. Cp. Livy ep. 118 propraetoris imperium a senatu datum est cum consularibus ornamentis. 2nd decree Dio [46, 41] places after the battles at Mutina, but wrongly as it appears, for Pansa and Hirtius were then dead. Cp. App. 3, 51...TOîs 'IρTiw καὶ Πάνσᾳ Καίσαρα συστρατηγεῖν...καὶ γνώμην αὐτὸν εἰσφέρειν ἐν τοῖς ὑπατικοῖς

This

on. Speaking, indeed, on 20 March, 43, Cicero [13 Phil. 39] still calls him pro praetore in the army, but that would not prevent his having consular rank in the Senate.

tertio mense...duobus proeliis. See note on c. 8. The battles near Mutina took place on the 15th of April, and the next day but one. In the first, at Forum Gallorum, it does not appear that Octavian was himself personally engaged [καίτοι μηδὲ μαχεσάμενος Dio 46, 38], though his cohors praetoria was stationed on the via Aemilia and suffered severely, losing its commander, D. Carfulenus. Octavian seems to have remained to guard his camp, and though in the despatch which Hirtius sent off immediately after the engagement he commends him for holding it and fighting a secundum proelium [14 Phil. 28], nothing is said of it in the letter of Ser. Servilius Galba (greatgrandfather of the emperor) who was himself engaged, see Cic. ad fam. 10, 30. Appian B. civ. 3, 66—70. In the fighting on the next day or next day but one, however, Caesar was actively employed. Antony had retreated to his camp near Mutina, and Hirtius and Caesar, after defeating his troops outside the camp, forced their way in. Hirtius fell in the camp, but Caesar

managed to bring off his body [Appian B. civ. 3, 71].

paludamento, his military dress as imperator. Thus Pompey fled from the camp at Pharsalus, detractis insignibus imperatoriis, Caes. B. civ. 3, 96. When Iulius had to escape by swimming at Alexandria he is said to have done so paludamentum mordicus trahens ne spolio poteretur hostis, Iul. c. 64.

11. Hirtius... Pansa. Hirtius had been at the seat of war since the beginning of the year. Pansa arrived with a reinforcement on the 14th of April. In the engagement of the 15th Pansa received two severe wounds, duobus periculosis vulneribus acceptis, Cic. 14 Phil. 26; and was carried off the field to the camp of Hirtius at Bononia. Hirtius fell in the attempt to storm Antony's camp on the 17th; but Pansa lingered for some days. The rumour which ascribed his death to the intrigue of Augustus with his physician Glycon was persistent. See Tac. Ann. I, 10. Glycon was arrested by Pansa's quaestor, L. Manlius Torquatus. M. Brutus (writing on the 16th of May) begs Cicero to secure his release, and declares his belief in his innocence,...nil minus credendum est: quis enim maiorem calamitatem morte Pansae accepit? [Ep. ad Br. 1, 6]. According to Appian [B. civ. 3, 75-76] Pansa on his deathbed was particularly friendly to Octavian, and warned him of the designs of the Optimates. Octavian performed the last rites over both, and sent their ashes to Rome with all honour.

victores exercitus. Cp. victor currus Ov. Tr. 4, 2, 47, victores legiones Plaut. Amph. 1, 1, 33. On the death of the consuls, the Senate ordered the Martia and Quarta legio to join Dec. Brutus in pursuit of Antony; but both refused to quit Octavian [Cic. ad fam. 11, 14, 19, 20; ad Brut. 1, 2, 14].

quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit, ut Glyco medicus custoditus sit, quasi venenum vulneri indidisset. Adicit his Aquilius Niger, alterum e consulibus Hirtium in pugnae tumultu ab ipso interemptum. Sed ut cognovit Antonium post fugam a He deserts M. Lepido receptum ceterosque duces et exercitus 5 consentire pro partibus, causam optimatium sine Optimates cunctatione deseruit, ad praetextum mutatae voluntatis dicta factaque quorundam calumniatus, quasi

the cause

of the

B.C. 43.

quasi...indidisset, 'on the charge of having introduced poison into his wound.' For quasi cp. cc. 6, 14. Its use cannot

be rigidly separated from that of tamquam; but it seems generally to indicate something more of doubt.

Aquilius Niger. Nothing seems to be known of this writer, and his statement is hardly worth considering. It seems founded on the fact that Octavian was near Hirtius when he fell: see Appian B. civ. 3, 71 Ἵρτιος δὲ καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐσήλατο τοῦ ̓Αντωνίου καὶ περὶ τὴν στρατηγίδα μαχόμενος ἔπεσε· καὶ αὐτοῦ τό τε σῶμα ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐσδραμὼν ἀνείλετο καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κατέσχεν.

12. ut...receptum. M. Aemilius Lepidus was Magister Equitum at the time of Caesar's assassination, and soon afterwards (having meanwhile been elected Pontifex Maximus) went to his province of Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, which had been assigned to him by Caesar. He was at first acting with Antony, and secured the temporary adhesion of Sextus Pompeius. Upon Antony's breach with the Senate he seems to have played a double part. He kept up a correspondence with Cicero, full of professions of loyalty, and asserting his intention of opposing Antony's retreat into his province of Narbonensis. He advanced to the River Argenteus (Argens) about the 20th of May, Antony being in the neighbourhood of Forum Iulii (Fréjus) at its mouth, and from it reported that Antony's men were deserting him and promised to oppose him in the interests of the state [ad fam. 10, 34]. But he was ventosissimus [ib. 11, 9], and had already alarmed the Optimates by proposing earlier in the year that terms should be made with Antony [ib. 10, 6; 10, 27]; and even after Antony's retreat from Mutina had written despatches which Cicero regarded as 'cold and shuffling' [frigidae et inconstantes, ib. 10, 16], while Plancus privately in

formed Cicero that he could not induce him to act with any energy against Antony [ib. 10, 34]. He had in fact resolved to join Antony. On the 22nd of May he wrote to Cicero [ad fam. 10, 34] still professing loyalty, and asserting that he had superseded his two legati, Silanus and Culleo, who, being sent forward to guard the pass into Narbonensis, had joined Antony [see App. B. civ. 3, 83], but on the 29th of May he had himself joined forces with him, and addressed a despatch to the Senate declaring that his soldiers refused to fight against their countrymen, and ending with a veiled menace or warning as to the need of their making terms with Antony [ad fam. 10, 35]. The Senate answered by declaring Lepidus and all his followers hostes (31 June), allowing, however, his followers the opportunity of returning to their allegiance before the 1st of September [ad fam. 12, 10].

ceterosque duces et exercitus. Antony had been joined by Ventidius Bassus towards the end of May [Cic. ad fam. 11, 29]; before the end of August he was also joined by L. Munatius Plancus, governor of farther Gaul. About the middle of July, Dec. Brutus had formed a junction with Plancus near Grenoble [ad fam. 10, 24]; but a third army was on its way under C. Asinius Pollio from Baetica [ad fam. 10, 30], and before the end of August Pollio had persuaded Plancus to abandon Dec. Brutus and to join him in giving in their adhesion to Antony [Appian B. civ. 3, 971. Livy ep. 120 Cum M. Antonio vires Asinius quoque Pollio et M. Munatius Plancus cum exercitibus suis adiuncti ampliassent. The Senate, which had voted the command against Antony to Dec. Brutus, had no force to look to except two legions sent from Africa by Q. Cornificius, which arrived the day before Octavian entered Rome [ad fam. 11, 14; Appian B. civ. 3, 91].

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