3 The more one studies those standard works,. the profounder will be his admiration of their genius and excellence, notwithstanding the perception of errors. And respect and veneration generated by these studies, is intensified with sincerest filial devotion, strengthened by loftiest pride in our fathers, who came nearer than any men of modern ages to a proper comprehension of those great principles of Government, and who put them more successfully into practice, in these our State and Federal systems, than had ever before been done by man, of which any record is left to us. Yet even our wise and honored fathers were not absolutely perfect in their knowledge, and made some errors which have led their sons astray, and many of "the great publicists" have been confusing theories until we have been led into essential errors in practice. Stands it not to reason, that, if there be established principles of Government, there cannot be such fundamental differences of opinion as to the nature of our Governments, the location of the Right of Command, and the rights and wrongs of these States touching slavery and every other question, without one party or the other being violators of those principles? There must be wrong, fundamental wrong, that the gradual divergence of opinions and plans of these Christians, these Christian Peoples, in the South and in the North, these sovereign States, should have at length culminated in the most terrible of all civil wars. The writer does dare "to pronounce [most] confidently," that many of "the great publicists who have writ ten" since the days of Vattel, have not followed the teachings of that "elegant " author of the Law of Nations, and of his illustrious predecessors, but have issued vagaries and contradictions that have led us entirely astray. It requires no great amount of legal knowledge to discern, that if there be any such thing as International Law, Hooker, Grotius, Pufendorf, Montesquieu, and Vattel, are the chief founders; and if they have established any one principle, it is that Sovereignty, the Right of Command, is one and indivisible; and if so, it follows as a necessary consequence, that Madison was mistaken in affirming that we were "partly national and partly Federal." Bnt it has been taken for granted that Madison was correct, and the absurdity has grown and strengthened, until very many of our best men teach the nonsense that we are subjects of two Sovereignties, State and Federal. It is "amazing" that those learned in the law should have permitted such errors of theory to go on for so many years; and it betokens no great perspicacity in the writer, only a little common sense and independent judgment, that he should be able to point out the inconsistency of these teachings with the established principles of International Law. Either the old or modern writers are in error, for they surely are in conflict; which is right, the writer assumes not to judge. This the reader will please constantly remember, that the writer arrogates to himself nothing of the teacher. It is not his own thoughts and views that are to be presented in his forthcoming work, but those of unquestionable authorities; and surely our lamentable circumstances justify the humblest Citizen in doing what he can to restore our beloved country to peace and reunion. May he not also expect, that 4 in the midst of present calamities, in the perils which threaten our free institutions, his humble but earnest effort to call the attention of his fellow Citizens, the business men in particular, to old truths and teachings which will serve to lead us out of this labyrinth of confusion, will be received and examined in all fairness and candor? From a certain class, the writer expects little else than derision and contempt. Unable to meet the views and arguments he will draw from eminent, unquestionable authorities, they will endeavor by ridicule to destroy their effect, because at this time presented by a Citizen unknown to fame, and unskilled in the mysteries of legal lore. Not so with the candid, reasonable, intelligent reader. With him will the truths themselves have weight, irrespective of the medium by which they are presented, and according to the power and influence of their eminent authors. In the "Explanatory" pages, which it is hoped will not be unread, the writer shows that his views are concurred in by those competent to judge, and he deems it proper to add, that soon after he began this examination, nearly two years ago, he wrote some newspaper articles (which however were not published, as the subject expanded beyond a reasonable size for a newspaper,) calling attention to existing errors of opinion concerning our Federal Government. Being at variance with all the books treating upon our Government he had then examined, and not liking to trust his own judgment, he took his MS. to Hon. Charles O'Conor, who very kindly heard them read, approved the views in the main, and said that as to the law, they were unquestionably correct. The leading ideas of this Compend, and of the forthcoming work, were embodied in that MS., and two years of constant study has not materially altered one of those ideas, but strengthened and confirmed them. The writer therefore feels that he may claim a hearing, even from lawyers. Nor does the writer desire commendation merely. He will be obliged to the reader for his opinion of the plan proposed, of its desirableness, and of its execution thus far, which it will be taken for granted may be used wholly or partially in a circular with the author's name, unless requested to the contrary. Friendly suggestions and advice as to the plan, or any of the details, will be gratefully received, though the writer cannot engage to answer letters, his time being constantly occupied with the work. Copies will not be distributed to the newspapers for ten to twenty days, within which time it is hoped individuals will be able to examine the Compend, and give their independent judgment concerning it. Purchasers, too, or other readers of copies of this small edition first issued, are respectfully solicited to give their opinions as early as practicable, directed to J. S. WRIGHT, Chicago. "the P. S.-The postal regulations prohibit the writing on the cover, even the name of the party addressed. The writer will therefore avail himself of this opportunity to remark that this copy is sent "with the respects," or regards of the author," requesting attention to the first and concluding paragraphs of the foregoing. J. S. W. CITIZENSHIP SOVEREIGNTY. BY J. S. WRIGHT, ASSISTED BY Prof. J. HOLMES AGNEW, D.D., CITIZENSHIP. We call him a CITIZEN, who has the privilege of sharing with others in Government, SOVEREIGNTY.-A Nation, is a State, a body politic, or a society of men united together to From the very design that induces a number of men to form a Society that has its common interests, It is evident, from the very act of the Civil or Political Association, that each Citizen subjects himself If the Body of the Nation keeps in its own hands the Empire, or the RIGHT OF COMMAND [le Droit de CHICAGO: PUBLISHED FOR AMERICAN CITIZENS, 1863. OLD LETTERS, PAMPHLETS, BOOKS, &c.-The attention of parties possessed of valuable documents bearing upon our political history, or those knowing where there are such, is called to the foot-note on page 81, and it is earnestly hoped the request will be granted. Parties who would like to aid in disseminating these views by giving or sending their neighbors copies of this Compend, can be supplied at $5 per dozen. If a dozen or two could be sent to each regiment, some of the leisure of the camp would be well employed in considering the views, and help to make nearly every citizen-soldier a true FEDERAL REPUBLICAN. Orders and remittances can be sent to the subscriber, as may be most convenient, either at Chicago, or at STATION D, New York City. J. S. WRIGHT. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1863, by J. S. WRIGHT, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Northern District of Illinois, EXPLANATORY. OVER two years ago, the writer began to examine the principles and history of our Governments. Having full confidence in Clay and Webster, he had never imagined that they and others of our great statesmen, could have committed any serious error in Governmental science, or that there could be any important point in it which they, or any of our leading statesmen, did not thoroughly comprehend. Yet a pretty careful study of the Madison Papers, and of the Federalist, with which his examination began, seemed to show that our Government was purely Federal, Madison's judgment to the contrary notwithstanding, and that bewildering errors and inconsistencies existed. The study of works in the Astor, Mercantile, and Historical Libraries of New York for two years, to be duly acknowledged in a forthcoming preface, convinced the writer that we were wide astray in theories as to Government, while correctly following in practice, the teachings of Hooker, Grotius, Vattel, &c. We are in civil war from confusion of theories. Over a year since, the preparation of the accompanying Compend was begun. But the study of one point led to another, and that to another, and caused delay; for, finding his conclusions at variance with the teachings of nearly all our great men, and also those of Europe since the days of Vattel, it behooved the writer to be cautious. The translations of the ancient classics had been somewhat studied, and such use had been made of some of their important passages by distinguished authorities, that it became necessary to refer to the originals, and thirty years' devotion to business, had almost obliterated the acquaintance of boyhood with Latin and Greek. But comparing several translations with the originals, and with the aid of the numerous lexicons of the Astor Library, the writer was enabled to discover, as he thought, that the translators had not altogether apprehended the thoughts of the writers of the free States of antiquity upon Government and history, and that with the imperfection of the English language to convey correct and definite ideas in the science of Government, particularly as contrasted with the Greek, the clear and fundamental distinctions between Free States and Monarchies, which the ancients so well understood, had not been preserved in modern translations. But being a very incompetent judge on this important subject, he applied in February last to Prof. S. F. B. Morse, who has constantly aided these labors with judicious counsel, and encouraged with affectionate interest, to recommend some competent scholar to assist in the work. Being referred to Prof. J. Holmes Agnew, D. D., a most valuable and efficient co-laborer has been obtained. Entering with equal zeal and enthusiasm into the great work of examining Governmental principles, and finding translations defective, he has kindly undertaken the important task of a new version of the extracts required in this compilation. The translations of Grotius and Pufendorf |