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CrTizBNSHIP.--We call him a CITIZEN, who has the privilege of sharing with others in Government,
deliberative or judicial: and a City [or Commonwealth] is the number [the associated body] of Buch, Self-
sufficient for life.—Aristotle, Politics, Book III, c. 1.
SovKREIGNTY-A Nation, is a State, . . . . a body politic, or a society of men united together to
promote their mutual Safety and advantage, by means of their union.
From the very design that induces a number of men to form a Society that has its common interests,
and ought to act in concert, it is necessary that there should be established a public Authority, to order
and direct what ought to be done by each in relation to the end of the association. This Political
Authority is the Sovereignty, and he or they who are possessed of it are the Sovereign, *
It is evident, from the very act of the Civil or Political Association, that each Citizen subjects himself
to the Authority of the entire Body, in everything that relates to the common welfare. The Right of
all over each member, therefore, essentially belongs to the Body Politic, to the State; but the exercise
of that Right may be placed in different hands, according as the Society shall have ordained.
If the Body of the Nation keeps in its own hands the Empire, or the RIGHT or coxsm: AND [le Droit de
commander], it is a Popular Government, a Democracy; if it refers it to a certain number of Citizens,
to a Senate, it establishes a Republic, an Aristocracy; in short, if it confides the Empire to a single
person, the State becomes a lionarchy.— Wattel, Law of Nations, Book I, c. 1, § 1–3,

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[3° The first volume of the work or compilation, of which this publication is a compend, to be entitled


will be published about 15th November. The volumes will contain 500 to 550 pages each, similar to this in type and arrangement. One is to be published each six or eight weeks, and sold in muslin binding at $2.50. Five volumes will probably suffice for the compilation, which is designed to furnish an epitome of governmental principles, historical facts, documents (each of which will be given entire), the substance of important debates, and of influential opinions in private and published letters, tracts, and other publications, and also a short examination of other Governments, to discover the right of our Revolution, and the superior excellences, and confused but not complicated systems, of our State and Federal Governments. Every family in the land needs this information, which is now scattered through hundreds of volumes, many expensive and inaccessible, in order to enable each Citizen, and the young lad who is soon to be a Citizen, to understand his individual rights, exalted privileges, responsible duties; and also the rights and wrongs of these Sovereign States. The wonder is not that we are in civil war, but that, with our ignorance of principles, and mistakes in theory, our practice has been so nearly correct. To the statesman and politician, the compilation, if at all a success, will be particularly valuable; bringing together for the first time documents, opinions, and principles, to which every one needs to refer more or less often The marginal notes, with the thorough index which shall be supplied, will make reference quite convenient; and until superseded by something better, it will be the American statesman's manual. In such a work some would like room to record notes and comments; and should the demand justify, an edition will be printed on superior paper, with wide margin for writing, and in strong binding. Subscribers will please intimate their wish, and should an extra edition be printed, the volumes of this edition will be received in exchange, if uninjured, the party paying the difference in price. The terms are already low, considering the present high cost of materials and the amount of reading supplied, but it is proposed to still further reduce them. The kind patron in New York and those in Chicago, who have thus far advanced the funds for publication, will not permit delay for the lack of means. But not to encroach unnecessarily on their liberality, it is proposed to supply the five volumes for $11 paid in advance.

Remittances can be made to the subscriber, either at Chicago, or directed to Station D, New York City, where most of his time must necessarily be spent until the publication is finished.


Mo Copińs of this pamphlet are distributed immediately upon its publication to a few leading minds of our country, irrespective of their politics, religion, or occupation. An independent, unbiassed expression of opinion, is desired from each recipient, either pro or con. Should he be decidedly favorable, he would doubtless like to aid in extending the circulation of this Compend, and a short letter to a paper or two in his city or neighborhood, or to some editor at a distance with whom he may be acquainted, calling attention to it, would be very influential. He may also be willing to write to two or three prominent persons, enclosing a copy of the accompanying prospectus; and upon being furnished with the address, we shall be happy to forward those parties a copy each of the Compend. . - ;

It is hoped the recipient will be able soon to make the examination, and that it will not be partial or prejudiced. And experience already proves the propriety of a caution to the reader, not to make up his judgment from detached parts. If he will just glance his eye over the marginal notes from beginning to end, he will have a general idea of the views, and can then better judge of the several portions. Having sent a copy of only the first 80 pages to one of the most eminent scholars of our country, an old and valued friend, he thus remarks:

. . . Your present line of labor is one that I had not thought of in connection with you, but your object is so important, and you are performing it with so much ability, that I wish you all success. . . . My studies have not been much in the line of International Law, and I have accepted the doctrine commonly received, that there is such a thing as a United States Government. This I understand you to deny. [Not at all. So far from it, my main object is to prove that we have the grandest, most perfect systems of Government, both State and Federal, ever instituted. My friend says in another place, “I have only had time to run over” the pages, and probably a further examination of even the first eighty pages changed his opinion, as would surely a perusal of the remainder.] Where there is Government, there must be the Right to Command, and the obligation to obey, in regard to some things; and that, I suppose, would constitute a Government, as no Government, except that of GoD, extends to all things. [Very true; and when by the usurpations of Parliament, and the violation of his oath by our King, the Right of Command, the Sovereignty, of George III over these Colonies was forfeited by him, we took it into the keeping of each individual Colony, each of these Peoples becoming a Sovereign State, or nation. But as these Peoples are too widely distributed, even in the smallest State, to exercise directly their Right of Command, they have made use of Republicanism or Representation, to preserve to themselves their Sovereignty, and to govern their faithful or unfaithful subjects. And in great wisdom have they joined together, and delegated the exercise of some important parts of their Rights of Command to certain parties which constitute the Government of the United States.] If the apparatus at Washington is simply a Federal Agency, then very much of what has been done from the first, has been usurpation. [Most certainly “the apparatus at Washington is simply a Federal Agency,” for the tenth amendment to the Constitution establishes the truth beyond peradventure, that the powers are not granted, but “delegated.” A delegate is ever an agent, restricted to the authority delegated; and whatever has been done by an agent beyond his authority, is surely usurpation, which circumstances may or may not justify.] I should wish it settled, first, whether we have a Government ; and then that its powers might be defined. Any thing that will throw light on these points is most desirable, and you write with so much of research, and candor, and ability, that your labor cannot fail to be useful. [It shall be the constant aim of the writer to merit the encouraging encomiums of his partial friend, and he promises indefatigable “research,” sincerest “candor,” and unwearying, patient industry to supply in part his deficiency in “ability,” to aid in determining that “we have a Government,” which we ought by all means to preserve, or reconstruct another similar; and we shall find abundant occasion for wishing “that its powers might be defined; ” and not only “be defined,” but that each department of the agency be kept strictly within its defined limits.] It would be a great thing to have all the authorities and debates bearing on these points fairly brought together. It has occurred to me whether, starting as you do with the avowed intention of making out a case, you could bring everything together in such a way that it would be accepted as done fairly. You will need care on that point. [The writer is deeply sensible of the importance of this friendly caution, which will be constantly heeded; and whatever else may be said against his performance, he trusts that the merit of fairness shall at least be accorded it. The writer acknowledges “the avowed intention of making out a case,” and he cannot conceive it possible for any one to study the subject as he has done, without becoming settled in his convictions; without having the “case” thoroughly established in his own mind. But it happens, that “ starting . ... with the avowed intention of making out a case” against the South, proving the heresy of State Sovereignty, and that this one People of the United States were a nation, and as such indissoluble as any other nation; the examination resulted in producing the directly opposite conclusion. The writer thinks he can make the “case” clear also to the reader, and carefully endeavoring to be fair and candid, he will bring together principles of International Law, the debates of the fathers, the documents, historical facts, &c., in such a manner that the reader can adjudge the “case" for himself. If the writer is disingenuous and unfair, his work will be to him a most disgraceful failure, and he would not only merit, but surely receive, the contempt of his fellow Citizens, for daring to tamper with their momentous concerns in this their period of imminent peril. But he believes with this most competent judge, that “it would be a great thing to have all the authorities and debates bearing on these points fairly brought together,” and that there is to be an immense and growing demand for this important reading, which is now inaccessible to the masses, being scattered through hundreds of volumes. What he does shall at all events be done “fairly.”] If I could do anything to aid you, I should be glad, but it is plain I cannot. What you do is well executed in a literary point of view [thanks to Dr. Agnew], and in research you are far in advance of me, Do you propose a large work for the few, or something for the many ? If the former, I fear you would publish at a pecuniary loss. I should be glad to take a copy. [As the reader will see by the prospectus on the cover, and in the “Explanatory” remarks, the work is designed t for the many.”] But the writer expects not commendation alone. Already has he experienced the contrary. Another sincere friend and kinsman, of good repute in the world of letters, raps him severely, and is “amazed ”that * A man not conversant with such studies, should undertake to pronounce so confidently as you do, upon such subjects, and upon all the great publicists who have written upon them. “Strike, but hear !” The writer yields to no man in respect and veneration for the wise men of the past, who have established the principles upon which all rightful authority is instituted, based upon the Bible; those who have created the code known by the name of International Law. Yet fallibility, imperfection is stamped upon their works, as upon all things human, and other great and good men have corrected errors preceding, to be in turn corrected by equally authoritative successors. In the main, however, they have agreed upon the chief points, and every Christian Government is based upon their solid foundation.

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