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they have been included in the tariff treaties of Great Britain; now they are permitted to act alone as independent nations. In short, the treaty-making power has been conferred upon them, as far as commercial relations go. Canada is now in a position to visit Washington and propose a change from preference given to the British to preference given to the American product. She is free and independent. What the parent country does in treaties henceforth affects the parent country alone. This attitude Canada has long desired to reach, notably in the case of the International Copywright Law. When the market of the British Empire was exchanged for the market of the United States, Canada demurred, as will be remembered, and protested against the Canadian market being treated for by any party but Canada herself. Now, there is no question of her right.

The step which

Britain has taken cancelling her treaties with Belgium and Germany, which

denied that right to the colonies, settles the matter. Those who know the position of Canada, and especially those who have studied Mr. Goldwin Smith's remarkable and final book upon the question of its commercial relations, know full well that the present preference given to British manufacturers can amount to little, and that no market but that of the United States can be made worth much to Canada. It is only a question of time, therefore, when one of the political parties there will raise the cry, and succeed in carrying the policy, of reciprocal intercourse with its natural market. Free trade between the United States and Canada is not far distant, and Premier Laurier may fairly be credited with winning one of the greatest triumphs of modern statesmanship. He has accomplished more in one short week for his native land than all her statesmen during their lives. Not since Lord Durham's report, which culminated in the Dominion, has anything been done for Canada so great as thus securing for her the undoubted right to make her own commercial treaties, a right which must now become, of course, the right of every other self-governing colony. Britain is soon to find that this preferential idea in the case of Canada is a two-edged sword which can be used to cut the United States slightly now, and Britain seriously by and by. When next Canada appears at Washington, and it will not be long till then, she will indeed have “something to trade with.”

The winning of complete independence and equality by the

communities which have hitherto been known as colonies, and their promotion to the rank of nations, with the treaty-making power for preferential fiscal relations with other nations, is the one overshadowing result of the Jubilee. The consequences to flow from it are portentous. It makes an epoch in the history of colonization.

Second to this is its effect upon the home rule idea.

There was but one discordant note throughout the whole Jubilee proceedings. From every one of the colonies and dependencies of Britain came the same loyal and devoted note of patriotic and enthusiastic affection ; but from one portion of Her Majesty's dominions, and that an integral portion of the United Kingdom itself, there came the note of discontent. Ireland stood apart. As a political move this, undoubtedly, was well, for no occasion could possibly arise which would give Ireland an opportunity to bring home to her governors and to the world the solemn truth that the reign of Queen Victoria had not been satisfactory to her. “Strange," the American says, “that while the fact has been proclaimed at every banquet, with universal acceptance, that the secret of the loyalty to the Empire of the far distant peoples lay in their having been allowed to govern themselves, after their own fashion, it is not immediately seen that home rule for Ireland must

produce like results !” Ireland was the skeleton at the feast, but although no official of the government took notice of the lesson which its presence taught, it must not be inferred that it was not seen and its presence keenly felt. Next to the equality of the colonies, which this Jubilee sealed, may be placed the triumph of the home rule cause for Ireland. Mr. Balfour, the leader of the House of Commons, some time ago intimated that Ireland was at last to have a measure of local government, and his able second, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, since the Jubilee, has gone to much greater lengths in the same direction. The measure will be different in name and form from that of Mr. Gladstone, but the Irish hereafter will have freedom substantially to manage their own affairs. It is safe to prophesy that sixty years hence at any jubilee similar to that which has just past, Ireland will be found as loyal as Scotland, for she is soon to receive what the far-seeing Gladstone saw she must obtain and desired to give her. The substance though not the form will be

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given by the Conservatives, but history is to award to Mr. Gladstone the credit of first recognizing in the case of Ireland that

" When force and gentleness play for a Kingdom

The gentle gamester will the sooner win." The British Empire could not exist a day but for the effect of the home rule federal system, which proves that the freest government of the parts makes the strongest government of the whole.

The absence of Mr. Gladstone from the Jubilee proceedings was generally noted and commented upon freely in tones of regret, and even of indignation. Some went so far as to suggest that Her Majesty might well have invited the statesman of more than sixty years' reign to occupy a seat at her side in her carriage; but these were Americans. The Briton could not go so far as to wish that the sovereign should have called any subject, however eminent, to her side. She must shine alone in her glory : it is she who in her own person symbolizes the Empire. But the eightyeight-year-old statesman, who has done more than all the other Prime Ministers of Her Majesty's reign combined to make that reign illustrious, was not forgotten. He remained conspicuous by his absence.

The third important result of the Jubilee was the display of Britain's sea power, which was impressive beyond description. No one who saw the naval review will have any doubt as to the supremacy of Britain upon the sea. Even the imagined alliance of France, Germany, and Russia would be unable to cope with her upon that element. Indeed, the combined fleets of Europo would probably be destroyed by the united, compact, energetic fleet of Britain, especially since we take into account the capacity of Britain to replace the losses of war. The numerous ships of war already on the sea, and the enormous number now building, give the world due notice that Britannia means to continue ruling the waves. Americans may be apt to consider that this involves a great strain upon her resources, but the fact remains that her revenues swell year after year, and that although she is spending five hundred millions of dollars per annum, she has a surplus of revenue this year of twenty-five millions. Her wealth is amazing. Crowded into this little island, not as large as one of several of our States, there is something approaching the entire wealth of our forty-five States. Public sentiment applands, indeed forces successive governments

to increase the navy, because it is now universally recognized that the control of the sea is essential to the existence of the nation which cannot feed itself, but is compelled to draw onehalf of all it consumes from foreign lands. Ships bringing food to Britain destroyed or even delayed would be equivalent to the capture of the country ; for her starving people would compel acceptance of any terms the conqueror might see fit to impose. Whether Conservative or Liberal party be in power, we may conclude that the navy of Britain will be kept equal to meet any possible combination of European powers against her.

The principal figure of the Jubilee, Queen Victoria herself, and the position she has gained and will hold to the end of her days, is worthy of study. It is not possible for any American, however well informed of British affairs, to quite understand the feelings with which this human being is now regarded. If he can imagine Old Glory" and old Ironsides, Washington and Lincoln, Bunker Hill, and “My Country, Tis of Thee,” rolled into one force, and personified in a woman, he may form some conception of the feelings of the average Briton for “ The Queen,” for she in her own person symbolizes to-day the might and majesty of the land, and its long, varied, and glorious history from the beginning. “The Queen ” means everything that touches and thrills the patriotic chord. That both as a woman and a sovereign she has deserved the anique tribute paid her goes without saying ; the wildest Radical, or even Republican, will concur in this. Sixty years of unremitting work--she still signs every state paper herself, including lieutenants' commissions in the militia-prudence, patience, and rare judgment have made of this good, able, energetic, managing, and very wise woman a saint, whom her subjects are as little capable and as little disposed to estimate critically, as the American schoolboy can imagine or is disposed to imagine Washington as possessed of human frailties. Washington, Tell, Wallace, Bruce, Lincoln, Queen Victoria or Margaret are the stuff of which heroes or saints are made, and well it is for the race that the capacity for hero-worship and for saint-worship remains with both Briton and American wholly unimpaired.

When a nation ceases to create ideals its glorious days are past. Fortunately for the world, both the Republic and the Monarchy have the future before them.

ANDREW CARNEGIE.

NOTES AND COMMENTS.

THE TEN URE OF THE TEACHER'S OFFICE. OF the various questions now being discussed by the educational world of to-day, there is none of such grave importance as that relatiog to the permanence of the teacher's position. All who have had experience in the school-room can testify that the greatest hindrance to successful work on the part of both teacher and pupil is the fact that soon as the present term. is done, in all probability a new teacher will be employed, and a change of methods and plans come in with him. This is unjust to both the new teacher and the old, for each must use his own judgment, and the pupils are slow to lay aside the habits learned from the first and take up the ways of the second teacher. Not only that, but much actual damage done by delaying their progress until the new teacher can classify the scholars, and much more time is lost while he is learning their individual dispositions.

It is acknowledged by all thinking persons that the best efforts of the laborer are not put forth if he is doubtful of his reward ; if he cannot reap, neither will be sow. This principle is so well understood by employers that, as far as possible, the position of the laborer, whether he works with hand or brain, is made permanent. But while this is true in general, in the teacher's ranks all is uncertainty. A school principal or superintendent is often regarded as fortunate if he stays the second year, and most fortunate if he remains a third. “You are becoming a fixture, four years here,” is a remark sometimes heard when a teacher has overrun bis time. Notice the unconscious irony, “a fixture," and " four years."

Now, is there any reason why, if a man bas done good work for one year, be cannot do better for another? If he has been four or five years in the school, is he not worth more than ever before to that school, and to the com. munits as well? Yet in accordance with a custom which has come down to us from time immemorial, teachers are compelled to give place to others, who bave no knowledge of the needs of the school or of the individual pupils. A merchant who would change clerks as often as some schools do superintendents, would not be regarded as capable of managing his own business.

It is probable that a change of superintendents puts back the work of the school for six months, and of grade teachers in proportion. The first change is the worst, for with it often the whole economy of the school cbanges-to the infinite loss of all concerned. Yet the people persist in this old custom for no other reason than that it is an old custom, and never seem to think but it's the thing to do.

It is hard work to change the established order of things, so the teach

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