male fex in particular, not a single individual of which is allowed to exercise this right, has no more reason to boast of its Liberty in England, than in Perfia or Turkey. If Dr. Price's definition of Liberty conveys the true idea of it, these objections will no doubt admit of a clear and eafy folution; but as my imagination does not readily fuggeft this solution, I fhall continue to think, till I am better instructed, that Dr.Price has been guilty of a radical error, in making Liberty to consist in power, and what is ftill worfe, in a particular mode of exercising that powe. But if Liberty confifts in a total exemption from every species and degree of restraint, which the public welfare does not render neceffary; then we may, with propriety, proceed to confider under what form of Government we may reafonably expect that this ineftimable privilege will be beft fecured, and by what means it is most likely to be confirmed and perpetuated; and I acknowledge, without hesitation ift. That it is certain, Liberty will never be advanced to its juft and proper extent under any other than a popular government; and-2dly. That if it could be fuppofed poffible, that Liberty, under the protection and patronage of fome patriot king, fuch as the world never yet faw, fhould be established in the utmost extent which the public welfare and happinefs would admit; it is equally certain that no dependence whatever could be placed on the permanent poffeffion of it. Our experience of human nature does not permit us

even to hope for fuch a fucceffion of wife, juft, and beneficent princes, as would effectually fecure this fyftem of Liberty from the danger of violation; therefore I allow, that a country under the abso. lute government even of a Lewis XII. or an Henry IV. may be faid, in a fenfe not remote from truth, to be enflaved; even fuppofing that the forms of a free conftitution were preserved, and that the bleffings of Liberty were actually enjoyed. A nation which depends for the continuance of its political happiness, and the enjoyment of its civil privileges, upon the will of one man, is in a state of bondage, however mildly or beneficently the defpot may exercise his authority. Nevertheless, this is the fpecies of Government which Dr. Price deems preferable to that under which he has the misfortune to live. "If the perfons," fays he, "to

"whom the truft of Government is committed are "chofen, for long terms, by a part only of the ftate, and if during that term they are fubject

to no control from their constituents, the very idea " of Liberty will be loft, and the power of chufing "conftituents becomes nothing but a power lodged ❝in a few, to chufe, at certain periods, a body of "magiftrates for themfelves and for the reft of "the community. And if a state is so funk, that fo a majority of its reprefentatives are elected by an handful of the meaneft perfons in it, whose votes are always paid for; and if, alfo, there is "an higher will, on which even these mock repre"fentatives

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"fentatives themselves depend, and that directs "their voices, in these circumstances it will be an "abuse of language to fay, that the state poffeffes σε Liberty and rather than be governed in fuch a manner, it would, perhaps, be better to be "governed by the will of one man, without any "representation; for a reprefentation fo degene"rated, could answer no other end than to mislead " and deceive, by disguising flavery, and keeping up a form of Liberty, when the reality was loft." I prefume I do no injuftice to Dr. Price in fuppofing, that these reflections were intended to allude to the government and conftitution of our own country; and however laudable the Doctor's intentions might be, I cannot regard them in a more favourable light, in fact, than as a libel upon that government and conftitution. It is a grofs mifrepresentation, founded upon an egregious blunder. Dr. Price plainly mistakes, and confounds in this passage, as almost every where else, Liberty with power. Montefquieu truly affirms, that the power of the people, is not the Liberty of the people; but Dr. Price expressly argues upon the contrary fuppofition, and with him, Liberty is only another word for power. So far as the individuals of any community are admitted to participate, either perfonally or by reprefentation, in the management and direction of public affairs, so far, and no farther, they are poffeffed of Liberty. If the truth of this pofition be admitted, Dr. Price may indeed, with fome appearance of reafon, brand the English conftitution

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ftitution as a system of flavery. It is most certainly not the end or object of this conftitution, to inveft all the members of the community, or even a majority of them, with that fpecies of power, and much lefs with that right of control, in which Dr. Price makes Liberty to confift; but it is the object of this conftitution, fo juftly admiredand celebrated, to fecure all the falutary and bene ficial purposes of government by the wifeft and most effectual means.

By allotting to a popular affembly the principal fhare of legislative authority, the interests of the governors are infeparably blended with thofe of the governed; and thus, as Dr. Price himself obferves, when a little off his guard, "it is impof "fible the represented part should subject the un

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represented part to arbitrary power without "including themselves." By eftablishing another diftinct hereditary body of legiflators, confifting of men of the firft rank, influence, and opulence, a firm barrier is preferved against the sudden and dangerous irruptions of democratic violence. Placed above the reach of vulgar prejudices, and free from the contagion of popular delufion, fuch an inftitution is calculated to add wisdom, ftability, and dignity, to the measures of government; and the executive power is placed entire in the hands of a fingle individual, in order that the measures agreed upon may be carried into effect with vigour, promptitude, and facility; and this great executive magiftrate is allowed a negative upon the re

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folutions of the other two branches of the legiflative body, that he may be enabled to resist any encroachments which the luft of power inherent in human nature might induce them to make on his conftitutional prerogative. For my part, I can never contemplate this fingular plan of polity, and this admirable diftribution of power, without emotions of rapture and aftonishment! And when compared with the different forms of ment which were adopted by the free ftates of antiquity, or those which at prefent fubfift, its fuperiority is fo manifeft, that I cannot but regard it as a fpecies of ftrange ingratitude for any man, who actually enjoys all the advantages refulting from it, coldly and fullenly to withhold his tribute of applaufe; and much more, with a kind of malignant pleasure, to magnify and expose thofe defects and blemishes which are infeparable from every human institution; human institution; and because it does not, in all respects, quadrate with that ideal plan of perfect Liberty, which a fpeculative statesman may frame in his own closet, to reprefent it in an odious and debafing light, as a fyftem even more to be deprecated and detefted than abfolute defpotifm. Is it poffible, might an enlightened foreigner exclaim with astonishment, who had feen and felt the dire effects of arbitrary power, that any fuch perfons can exift? Yes, it is poffible: and to encrease that aftonishment, he might be told, that these very persons were many of them men of the most distinguished moral excellence, men of the