Revised Code, since the termination of the foolish panic, "all those interested in instruction" had got up, the advance of the system had been steady and satisfactory. As to the defects which the new minute was said to be designed to remedy, he (Mr. Lowe) did not consider the exclusion of small schools from participation in the grant an evil at all, nor did he regret, since the schools were intended "for children who were too poor to pay," the exclusive attention to reading, writing, and arithmetic. He did not think the decrease of pupil teachers an evil, nor that it was fair to certificated teachers to stimulate by grants an increased umber of competitors. He did not think the new arrangements would help small schools, but would simply offer so many prizes to large ones already amply provided for. The only chance of maintaining the system until they could arrive at a plan more logically correct in accordance with the feeling of Parliament, was by making it economical, and having got such a system, which also worked in many respects effectually, they would do well and wisely to let it alone.

Mr. CORRY, as the author of the new minute, defended its arrangements. He argued that it was absolutely necessary to incur the additional expenditure for the purpose of effecting designs admitted to be most desirable.

Mr. POWELL twitted Mr. Lowe with his advocacy for fixity of system, and thought the minute calculated to be of great service.

Mr. BRUCE thought the Revised Code was not so perfect a measure that it could not be amended. The difficulties of small schools were great; their financial difficulty led to imperfect teaching. He did not blame the Government for being too liberal. but rather for not being liberal enough. Their efforts, however, were in the right direction and deserved the support of the House. If the inducements now held out were insufficient, he was sure additional support would not be refused.

Mr. HENLEY thought Mr. Lowe had not made out his case, and should give the minute his best support as far as it went.

Mr. PUGH, while believing in the principle of the Revised Code, cordially thanked the Government for remedying its great defect of ignoring small rural schools.

Mr. HADFIELD thought the whole system a mistake, and would support Mr. Lowe.

On a division, the numbers were-for Mr. Lowe's motion 40; against it 203. Majority against, 163.

Papers for the Schoolmaster.

No. XXX.-NEW SERIES.

JUNE 1ST, 1867.

MR. BRUCE'S EDUCATION BILL.

A scheme for promoting the cause of National Elementary Education, drawn up by an Ex Vice-President of the Council, must command careful consideration from every one who cares for the object which it is intended to further. The virtual head of the Education Department for some considerable time must have had so much personal acquaintance with the working of the present system, such practical experience of its shortcomings, and such insights into those things which prevent the extension of its operations, that a plan which he has devised for rendering it more efficient cannot fail to receive respectful attention. But besides, Mr. Bruce has shown by deeds as well as words how much he has at heart the cause which his Bill is meant to aid. However widely our readers may differ from him in their views of the means by which it may best be helped, they must at least feel that they are at one with him as regards aim and motive. The Bill which now lies on the table of the House of Commons will, in due course of time, come on for discussion; and though perhaps not even Mr. Bruce himself expects it to become law this Session, if at all in its present form, yet there is no doubt that it will engage serious attention, and perhaps produce an important debate. On these accounts we have thought it well to present our readers with a sketch of its main features, so far as we have been able to ascertain them. The object is to make our system of Education more nearly answering to its name of Public and National. We believe Mr. Bruce is really an advocate for a compulsory system of education. But if so, he thinks the nation not yet ripe for it. His present Bill is only permissive. How soon a permissive system of rating may grow into a compulsory one we do not presume to state, although many beside ourselves may make shrewd guesses. The Bill is to be adopted by a bare majority of those who are to find the money for working it, viz., the burgesses who pay borough rates in towns, or those who pay the poor rate in other places. As far as

it appears, when once the Bill has thus become law in any place or district, it remains so for ever. Any parish in an union district may appeal for exemption, but we may suppose such appeal would not be sustained unless it could be shown that no educational need existed there.

The next step after the adoption of the Bill in any place is the election of a School Committee. This is chosen by the Town Council, or by the Vestry, or by the Board of Guardians, as the case may be. The members in the first instance would be chosen from the Town Council itself, and in the others from persons rated at £20 annual value. One-third of their number would go out of office every year, but might be re-elected.

This Committee would have power to levy a local rate to raise a sufficient sum for their purpose, and to appoint local Inspectors to visit and report upon the schools under their management, if we may so term the kind of oversight which they are to have over them.

They also appoint a somewhat formidable looking staff of head clerk, under clerks, treasurer, &c., beside the local inspectors: all are to receive salaries from the funds raised by the local rates.

The schools with which the Bill proposes to deal are of two kinds. Existing schools are to be admitted into union with the School Committee upon their application. These must be open to the half-yearly visits of the local Inspectors, and will receive grants of money upon their reports.

The other kind of schools will be new ones to be set on foot by the School Committee, and called "district" schools. The Committee will enquire from time to time into the amount of school accommodation for the poorer classes in their district, and if they find it insufficient, they may provide new schools—“ district schools"-under their own control and management, or under that of a body appointed by themselves. There is a right of appeal for any particular parish, but unless the Committee make some great mistake, such appeal is hardly likely to succeed. These would apparently be free schools. The teachers in all schools under this Bill must be qualified according to the requirements of the Educational Code in force for the time being. A somewhat vague limitation to or extension of this is made, when it is stated that the qualifications of the teacher may be such be allowed in any particular case by the School

Committee."

as may

The building for any district school is to be provided by the parish in which it is to be situated. The cost of the building may be spread over five years. Against this fine for its past educational delinquency the parish may appeal as before.

The Grants in aid of the schools are of two kinds,-au attendance grant and an examination grant. They are paid every six months, upon the report of the local Inspector after each half-yearly visit. The

attendance must have been for sixteen weeks: each week's attendance must be made up of eight separate attendances of two hours each, or four week days, or four attendances of the same nature for half timers. For each child under six years of age who has thus attended, a maximum grant of 4d. per week may be made. The grant for a boy above six years is 6d. weekly, and a girl 5d. weekly. For a child at work 41d. weekly may be paid, and for one learning some trade or manual occupation in the school the grant may be 9d. per week. These grants are for free schools only. For schools where children's pence are received, one-half of these grants may be made.

The examination grant is not to be paid to schools which receive the parliamentary grant. But all other schools under the Bill will receive on the local Inspector's report, the sum of 1s. 4d. every six months for every child above six years of age who has attended the required number of times, and who passed in reading; and a like sum if he also passes in writing; and a like sum if he is equally successful with regard tɔ arithmetic. The School Committee have the power of reducing these grants by three-fourths of the whole sum claimed, if their general regulations have not been fulfilled.

All the expenses of the district schools may be paid by the School Committee.

The funds for this scheme are to be provided from the local rates of the district under the operations of each School Committee.

The instruction and discipline of the several schools are not to be interfered with by the School Committees, but must be entirely regulated by the provisions of the current Educational Code.

We now come to a point, which has at the present time a peculiar (may we venture to call it an undue ?) importance. The Bill has been styled the offspring of the Conscience Clause:" our readers will not, therefore, be surprised to find that its provisions in respect of more religious teaching in certain cases are distinct enough.

No child is to be required to learn any religious doctrine or formulary objected to in writing by the parent of such child; and provision is made for such a protest, even if the parent has such a sense of the value of education as has allowed him to remain in the happy condition of not being able to write his own name. No child is to be required to attend, or to refrain from attending any Sunday school; nor is he to be refused admission to the school on the ground of any objection made by his parent as above, or of any attendance or non-attendance at any place of religious worship or Sunday school.

No religious teaching of any kind, not even the reading of the Bible, appears to be required by the provisions of this Bill.

It will be seen from this sketch of the Bill that the voluntary principle enters largely into its arrangements. No town, or parish, or district can be compelled to adopt it. The will of the majority of those who will have to find the funds can alone make it law for that place. This will prevent its being adopted in the very places where it is most needed. But this defect is not peculiar to Mr. Bruce's scheme. It must be inherent in all permissive bills. But it will probably render it a dead letter should it ever become law; for the electors of Town Councilmen, and the men who pay rates in rural districts on £20 holdings, are not the persons who wish to extend the benefits of elementary education among the poorer classes.

The religious difficulty, as it is met by this Bill, will be another stumbling block to its success. The great promoters of national education hitherto have, certainly, been men who regard the religious element as essential. And some of them are already exclaiming that Mr. Bruce's Conscience Clause is worse than Mr. Lingen's. This difficulty again is inherent in all Bills, which like this, are based on a system of raising funds by means of rates levied on men of all creeds.

But we foresee considerable difficulty in regard to the power vested in members of a Local Board over their neighbours' money and schools. Will these boards be impartial? If free from the fierce and narrow political feelings which animate Town Councillors', and Vestrymen's, and Poor Law Guardians' bosoms, will they like to inflict these heavy pecuniary burdens upon their friends in the same town, or the next parish who do not appreciate the excellencies of the three R's as they do?

Then again who are the local Inspectors to be? Take it for granted that they will be men who know their work: will they be sufficiently independent in position and character to do their duty fearlessly, and with that impartiality which alone can make their office really useful? Even diocesan Inspectors, on whose reports no money generally depends, do not always like to say all the truth about their neighbours' schools. These local Inspectors appointed by and, we suppose, removeable by the School Committees, would be exposed to sore temptations.

We are not in a position to know what chance there might be of a collision between the Council Office and the School Committees. But such a probability would need careful consideration.

We have ventured thus to hint at what seem to be weak points in the Bill; not from any unfriendly spirit, for we feel that much gratitude is due to anyone who honestly endeavours to remove the present obstacles in the path of public education. But it seems desirable that the provisions of every such scheme should be thoroughly examined, and its virtues and failings well weighed; and that no hasty legislation should be attempted.