prior recognition. Usually, he is permitted to make an explanation of the points and meaning of the report at the beginning of the consideration.

The House can amend, reject, adopt, or recommit the report, or treat it as it could any resolution or proposition. To receive a report does not commit the house to any of the views or recommendations therein contained. It simply places it where it may be considered, and, as has been shown, no motion to receive is necessary if the report has been read. Sometimes it is moved to "accept" the report, or "that the report be accepted,” as though that meant nothing more than to "receive" it, when in fact to "accept" has the force of "adopt." Another questionable practice is to "agree" to the report. Though it has been suggested that it may be proper to use the phrase "agree to" when the report "contains merely a statement of opinion or facts," nevertheless it would seem better to allow that phrase to be employed in reference to amendments, as we say: "As many as agree to the amendment,' "As many as agree to the substitute," and "The amendment is agreed to," but on the final vote we say, "As many as will adopt," "The resolution is adopted." So the better word for final action on a report is "adopt." Thus: "As many as will adopt the report"; "The report is adopted"; to "accept" and to "adopt" a report mean the same thing, but the better word is "adopt."

Some reports are merely for information and not for action; sometimes they are merely received and filed, or entered on the journal. If the report closes with a resolution or recommendation the action is on the resolution and the motion is to adopt.

The reporter for the committee, whether the chairman or a designated member, has special rights in the debate on the report both at the opening and the closing. When it is taken up the member making the report is first entitled to the floor, and he is also entitled to close the debate, when every member choosing to speak has spoken. He cannot, in any way, be deprived of his right to close

the debate, and, even if the previous question is ordered, the chairman at once assigns him the floor for that purpose.

Not only can he speak after the previous question is ordered, but because of its far-reaching possibilities, if the motion to lay the report on the table is made, he can elect to make his closing speech while that motion is pending. In other words, the common practice of to-day recognizes the right of the chairman, or acting chairman, to make the closing speech defending his report when it has reached a critical issue and is in peril. When, however, he has made that speech he has exhausted his privilege.

It is not uncommon to have a minority report. Cushing says it is not strictly parliamentary. Yet, as the minority have given the same consideration as the majority in the work of the committee, their opinion is deemed worthy of attention, and so it has become the general practice in legislative bodies to allow the minority to present their views in the form of a report. Two or more members may unite in such a report, or only one may bring in a separate report. The form is: "The undersigned, a minority of the committee to which was referred," etc. Such a report, however, is not recognized as a report of the committee. Formerly it was received and allowed to accompany the report only by courtesy, but since Cushing's day it has been recognized as a propriety and as a right, for, as has been suggested, being members of the committee, they are presumed to have as much acquaintance with the subject as the committee itself, and more than the average member of the house.

The common form is for the chairman, or acting chairman, of the committee to present the report of the committee. Then when the report is before the house for action, the representative of the minority is recognized to present the "minority report" or the report of the minority. Sometimes the chairman of the committee states that there is a minority report or that there is to be

presented a report from a minority of the members of the committee. Then the representative of the minority presents its report and it is read. This places the formulation of the minority as against the report of the majority which is the report of the committee, the intention being to induce the assembly to accept the minority report instead of the report which has come from the majority in the committee.

The matter, however, is not fully before the house until the representative of the minority, or some other member moves to substitute the minority report for the report of the committee. Then the action will be the same as in the case of an ordinary substitute moved against any resolution. If the substitution is agreed to, the minority report displaces the report of the committee. If the substitution of the minority report is not agreed to, then the report of the committee remains to be adopted, rejected, recommitted, laid on the table, or otherwise disposed of. The report may be recommitted or sent back to the same committee, or it may be referred to another committee, but usually the latter course would be regarded as an impropriety, or a reflection upon the committee that had the matter before it and on which it had reported. Only some unusual necessity would justify the sending to another committee under such circumstances.

It is a mistake to think that the minority cannot present such a report without permission from the majority of the committee. If that were so, then the minority would be at the mercy of the majority, and the majority could prevent their formulating anything. It is also an error to say that the minority cannot present such a report unless the committee has been notified by the minority that it would be presented. The minority might not be able to make up its mind until too late for such notification. Any member of the body has a right to offer a substitute for the report of the committee without notifying anybody until he arises and says, "Mr. President,” when

the report is being considered. If a single member can do that, certainly one or more of a minority can do it.

Boards of managers, trustees, and similar bodies, for practical purposes come under the head of standing committees in making their reports.

CHAPTER II

THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE

Most persons easily comprehend the idea of a committee, but some are confused by the title, the Committee of the Whole. They may ask for information. "A committee of the whole' what?" There seems something lacking which should be supplied, and it is quite proper that the beginner should ask "of the whole' what?" It is made clearer by giving the full title-"The Committee of the Whole House," and that means that it's a committee composed of the entire membership of the body. It is the entire membership resolved into a committee, though a very large committee, acting like a committee, and under the forms and liberties of a committee.

When the main body has to consider a subject where the subject-matter is not well digested or in proper form for definite action, or it is deemed advisable to consider the subject without all the formalities and restrictions of the main body, and yet does not wish to refer to a small committee, it can secure the freedom of an ordinary committee by referring the matter to the Committee of the Whole, that is to say, to a committee consisting of the entire membership.

This committee may consider anything the house may desire. It may be a proposition framed in the house, a bill enacting a law, or a report that has come from another committee. Speaker Reed has said that "The Committee of the Whole is useful where the subject to be considered contains many items and relates to divers subjects, or needs to be settled minutely as to the language. In Legislatures bills making general appropriations and those containing items of governmental expenses are those most frequently considered in Committee of the Whole." It is