during the war, was productive of great damage to it, for reparation of which, as well as for the rents, the Corporation sent me last year to Congress, with the state of our accounts, and claims, and sufficient vouchers. We obtained a hearing before a committee appointed to report on the subject of the petition, and obtained a favorable report; but lost it before Congress when the report was acted upon. Our late Professor Howell was then a member, and had great influence; but as he had effectually opposed some Continental measures, he thinks the question was lost by that means, together with the small number of states on the floor. By the Articles of Confederation, he is not again eligible for three years, nor could we find any man probably to be chosen, who would deeply interest himself for the College. This induced me, at his earnest importunity, together with his giving the greatest encouragement that a grant might be obtained, to accept the unanimous appointment of our Legislature at their late session, as their first delegate till next November, an appointment to me most unexpected, as I had considered politics out of my province, and on that account had declined a former nomination to that office. JAMES MANNING TO Gov. COLLINS. NEW YORK, May 26th, 1786. SIR: - Agreeably to the directions of the General Assembly, at their session at Greenwich, I proceeded to New York and took my seat in Congress, as a delegate, the 2d of this instant, in full expectation that General Miller would follow me in a few days, with the necessary supply of money to support us. But, to my surprise, I have not heard from the General since my departure from Rhode Island. Destitute of money to defray my necessary expenses, and at a loss to conjecture the reasons of the General's delay, you must naturally conclude that my situation is far from being agreeable. I wish to be informed whether the State means to support a representation in Congress or not, that I may act accordingly My private purse will not support me here, and you, sir, know the expense attending this character too well to be informed that money in hand is necessary for the support of your delegation. Congress is highly displeased with the conduct of Rhode Island, in not sending forward her delegates. I have made the best apology I could for this neglect, but am obliged now to be silent, as I have no advice on the subject. I think it my duty to inform you that this honorable Body is not a little alarmed at the present crisis; with an empty treasury, while pressed on all sides for money; the requisitions not complied with in many of the states; the collection of taxes postponed; our trade embarrassed and almost pros trate; and the Barbary powers fitting out more formidable armaments than ever sailed out of the Straits. Great Britain, too, through our Minister, has absolutely refused the surrender of the western ports, until the United States comply, on their part, with the fourth article of the treaty, which provides that British merchants shall be under no legal impropriety of recovering, in sterling money, their bona fide debts from the citizens of the United States. Against this article, (since the passing of the money bill in our State,) nine states in the Confederacy have passed acts, and several of the Indian tribes, as we learn from recent dispatches, have already commenced hostilities on our western frontier. This is our deplorable situation, and Congress is obliged this day to adjourn for want of a sufficient number of states, to proceed in the necessary and most important business of the Confederacy. In a word, sir, all the old members have looked serious, and are alarmed for the safety of the Confederacy. A motion is made, and it is proposed to assign a day to go into the state of the nation, in a committee of the whole House, that we may send forward to the states without loss of time, the dangerous situation of the Federal government, that they may acquit themselves of censure should disastrous events happen through the neglect of the states. This motion has only been postponed for a fuller representation, as they were in daily expectation of having both Rhode Island and New Hampshire on the floor. I assure you, sir, that the above is not an exaggerated account, but done in the words of truth and soberness. We have lately been employed in reducing the expenses of the civil list, which we have done upwards of ten thousand dollars; nor do we mean to stop here, but embrace every opportunity to retrench as much as possible the expenses of the Federal government. I have the pleasure to inform you that I think the present delegation in Congress, Rhode Island apart, possess great patriotism, ability and unanimity, but the want of energy in the Federal government, and in the respective. governments of the states is, by every true friend of this country, to be lamented. With the highest sentiments of esteem, sir, your humble servant, JAMES MANNING TO NATHAN MILLER. NEW YORK, 7th of June, 1786. DEAR SIR : —I think, if for a moment you would figure to yourself my situation alone here for more than a month, reduced to the very last guinea and a trifle of change, which is the case; my lodging, washing, barber's, hatter's, tailor's bills, &c., not paid, without the favor of a single line from you, advising me whether you mean to come or not, and sending forward the one hundred dollars on hand, which you proposed doing from the election, if you was not likely to follow me soon. I say, if you would but realize my situation, you could not but pity me from your heart. I wrote you long since; I begged an answer from you, one way or another, that I might know what measures to take. But as I am now situated, I can neither stay nor go, except to the new City Hall, if my creditors exact it, and strangers have no more compassion on me than the State that appointed me. I must entreat you to forward that sum of one hundred dollars, if no more can be had, by the first opportunity, with a line advising me of your future intentions. Matters highly interesting to this Confederacy, and indeed, I think the question whether the Federal government shall long exist, are now before Congress, and there are not states sufficient to transact the necessary business, as we have now barely nine states on the floor. Our affairs are come very much to a point, and if the states continue to neglect keeping up their delegations in Congress the Federal government must ipso facto dissolve. I have written the Governor on these subjects and desired his answer, whether we should keep up our delegation or not. I shall wait till a reasonable time for an answer from you, and quit if I do not receive it. Send me by the post, or packets. Frank your letter by the post. I shall impatiently wait the event, and with sentiments of esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your humble servant, JAMES MANNING. JAMES MANNING TO NATHAN MILLER. NEW YORK, 12th of June, 1786. SIR-Your's of the 27th ult. came to hand two days ago. Am mortified exceedingly that you have not come forward, nor sent on the money on hand, for I am reduced to but a few shillings, and my bills are not paid. My situation, without a colleague, without money, and without any instructions or favorable prospects from government, is painful. Rhode Island has not many more strides to make to complete her disgrace, and ruin, too; but that is not all. She is likely to hold a distinguished rank amongst the contributors to the ruin of the Federal government. Never, probably, was a full delegation of the states more necessary than now, for you may rest assured, that in the opinion of every member of Congress, and in the several departments, things are come to a crisis with the Federal government. You say you think the present House do not want a Congress; they may, it is more than probable, very soon see the accomplishment of their wishes, for without a speedy reform in the policy of the states, the Federal government must be no more. The flagrant violations of the public faith, solemnly plighted in the late emissions of paper money, on the conditions on which it is emitted, is here considered as the completion of our ruin as a nation; but I wrote you before on this subject; it is too painful to repeat. Pray send me on the money in hand, or come and bring it yourself without loss of time; at least write me by every vessel. With sentiments of esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your humble servant, JAMES MANNING. JAMES MANNING TO GOV. COLLINS. NEW YORK, June 23d, 1786. SIR: Not long since, I wrote you and gave the information which I thought it my duty to give, since which, for want of a sufficient number of states to transact any business of importance, little has been done; and for several weeks past Congress has been, the greatest part of the time, under the necessity of adjourning from day to day, as they could not make a Congress, though business of the highest importance to the Union demands the decision of Congress. Those states who keep up their delegation are not a little displeased with the delinquent states; and it is the unanimous voice and opinion of those on the floor of Congress that a continuance of this neglect will, ere long, be attended with the most serious, not to say the most fatal consequences. On this head I am full, I think, of well founded fears. In obedience to the orders of the General Assembly, at their session in February, I, on the 27th of April, ult., embarked for New York, and immediately took my seat in Congress, in the full expectation that the State determined to support a delegation. But I have not received a single dollar to defray the great expenses attendant upon my present situation. As I was not in cash of my own, I could not discharge my bills, and they consequently all remain unpaid, and that to my no small mortification; and this must remain to be the case till I experience the assistance of the State. Add to this, I am without a colleague without whom the State cannot have a voice. I now solicit explicit directions from the Legislature in reference to my future conduct. My present situation is peculiarly disagreeable, and I beg your Excellency, as early as possible in the session, to lay my request before the House, that I may have their ultimatum, whether they mean to support a delegation or not, that I may conduct myself accordingly. But I must presume that that honorable Body will not recall me without furnishing me with efficient means to enable me to leave New York in a way which may not wound my feelings, nor reflect dishonor on the State. Please sir, to communicate on this subject without loss of time. I have the honor to be, sir, your humble servant, JAMES MANNING. In May, 1786, John Collins, of Newport, was elected Governor over William Greene, who had held the office from 1778. On retiring from the gubernatorial chair, Gov. Greene remarked, that for near eight years, in times of great difficulties and trouble, he "had the honor of the votes of his fellow freemen of the State, with scarce a dissenting vote," and that, until very recently, he had "not known that there was any dissatisfaction." He stated that groundless reports to his prejudice had been privately circulated, so that they did not come to his knowledge until after the town meetings. Then, turning to the Governor elect, he added: Now, sir, I am ready to resign the chair to you, at least for the term of one year, and I hope that where I have missed it in any thing, you may be able to mend it. Three causes contributed to this change in the officers of the State. At the February session of the General Assembly, 1786, a motion was made for a new emission of bills of credit. Governor Greene, with his friends, opposed it, and it was rejected in the House, in which it originated, by a vote of almost two to one. At the same session, a qualified grant of a five per cent. impost on foreign goods passed both Houses of the Assembly; and at a session in March, the Assembly also granted to Congress the right to regulate the foreign commerce of the states. The friends of the first measure, and the opponents of the other two coalesced in the paper money party, which raised Gov. Collins to the office of Governor, and elected a majority of both Houses favorable to their views. |