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command all the votes required to balance the honest vote of the State. His plan, as Tilden's strictly confidential circular shows, was to get the news in advance from the State, in order to determine, as nearly as possible, how large a vote was needed from the city to counteract the country vote. Thus, by practicing the grossest frauds, the Democrats carried the State of New York in the Presidential election of 1868, and "counted in" Hoffman as Governor.

These irregularities and frauds, so far as they related to the election for representatives to Congress and electors of President and Vice President, were made the subject of a thorough investigation by a Congressional committee, the report of which was submitted to the House on February 23, 1869, by Mr. Lawrence, of Ohio. Investigation revealed a system of Democratic corruption almost beyond belief. In compliance with Mr. Tilden's confidential request over two hundred telegrams were received and paid for by Tammany Hall; and, as the responses came early in the evening, Tweed & Co. were enabled to supply the necessary vote from the city to counterbalance the country vote and thus carry the State for Hoffman. On Tilden's examination as a witness in the Tweed trial the fact

was developed that he had taken $5,000 from Tweed as a political contribution. It is said that he received $15,000, but the proof is positive and admitted that he did receive $5,000. Thus, out of his own mouth, the fact is established that Mr. Tilden was supplied with funds by Mr. Tweed shortly before the confidential circular was agreed upon and issued. It was therefore truly said that expenses were "duly arranged at

this end."

And to-day the Democratic chairman of 1868 for the State of New York is the "Reform" candidate for the Presidency of the United States. This is the 66 honest" man, this is the "reformer" who, in 1868, could have "expenses duly arranged at this end," and for whom the Democrats of the present House of Representatives have thought it necessary to repeal the supervisory election law, in order that unlimited frauds may prevail at the coming elections, and this "honest" man, this Democratic "Reform " candidate for President, be "counted in," as Hoffman, the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York in 1868, was counted in." This Democratic "reformer" is in urgent need of reform himself, and the party that supports him, knowing his unclean record, is in still more urgent need of reform.

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MR. TILDEN'S "PATRIOTISM ABOVE DOLLARS AND

CENTS."

The Democratic party is still composed of party ruts, and he has been all his life runthe men who hug the old delusions, and whoning in those ruts, through pools of corrupare utterly incapable of realizing that the country has outgrown the restraints of its evil policy and repudiated its control. The stronghold of the Democratic party has always been its belief in the ignorance of the masses. And it has entered upon the work of the Presidential campaign by resorting to its stale tricks of bold assertion of downright, absolute falsehood.

Mr. Tilden himself knows that he has not the faintest claim to be considered a reformer. He is one of that very old school of Democrats who have survived to the Centennial year. He never had a thought in advance of the Democratic party. He commenced his political youth in finding out the

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tion and chicanery, until he has reached the office of Governor of New York. But it has been said that if before taking the oath of office he had been required to take an oath that he had not been "counted in,' he might have hesitated briefly while he asked himself some questions. At all events, as he looks down the tortuous path through which he had traveled, his long and early connection with Tammany, his offensive and unpatriotic conduct during the war for the Union, and his close intimacy with Tweed till he supplanted him, let him say when it was he first yearned for reform, and what he has done for the good of the country.

When Mr. Tilden placed himself in the

hands of the "claquers" of the Democratic party as a Presidential aspirant he thought the people would forget his political career. He should know that a Copperhead always puts himself upon record in such a manner that his subsequent deeds must needs be challenged. Mr. Tilden and patriotism were never related; and even Mr. Hewitt's impudent contradiction of Mr. Kasson in the House of Representatives will not serve his purpose. Mr. Tilden never contributed one cent to wards the Tammany regiment. The expenses of the regiment were defrayed from the funds of the Union Defense Committee. Mr. Kasson was right, therefore, in the assertion. It was hardly possible for Mr. Kasson to be wrong in saying that Mr. Tilden never said a word and never performed an act that showed he was in sympathy with the Union cause; while it was notorious that his sympathies were all the other way.

Samuel J. Tilden-who had a little business of his own to attend to in Michigan. It will be remembered that the gold and silver of the country disappeared shortly after the war commenced; and the greenback was necessary to carry on the war. Then national banks were established, in the hope of assisting the Government, whose circulation was made safe by the deposit of bonds. Perhaps Mr. Tilden did not like to invest in United States bonds. Perhaps Mr. Tilden thought a bank tax unjust, and he did not like to pay it. But he did this: He said he was "a hard money man ;" that the Government had no right to promise to pay and not keep its promise; it was dishonest. "Gold and silver for me," said Mr. Tilden, "they are the birds that sing all the year round."

No doubt Mr. Tilden heard those birds sing. No doubt he often talked of "the purchasing power of the greenback and the purchasing power of the gold dollar." "Yes, gentlemen, I am a hard money man," "' said. Mr. Tilden. Then Mr. Tilden hied him to North Michigan, where there were iron and copper industries, and many workmen with large families. There he had mills—ironmills-and money mills, out of which he turned out paper dollars till he flooded North Michigan and was detected, and he ought to have paid the penalty, but he didn't. So Mr. Tilden, the hard money man in New

Mr. Hewitt's disdain must have been something magnificent as he piped out in reply to the inquiry how much Mr. Tilden gave to the regiment-"patriotism is above dollars and cents!" When the Democratic party went into the rebellion of the South Mr. Tilden clung to its skirts in the North, and roared out lustily that the war was an outrage. How much money would such a man give to equip soldiers to go to the front? | Not much, Mr. Hewitt. Mr. Tilden knows he gave nothing-simply nothing. And the people know that Mr. Tilden deserves noth-York, was the softest of soft money men in ing at their hands, and will get it.

Yet more: From being a

Michigan, and made much money therebyMr. Tilden and the Democratic party are "A barr' of money," as they say in Indiana. behind the age. When steam printing and And Mr. Tilden is a reformer and a Demothe telegraph came into use the party began crat, and wants to be made President of the to decay. Slavery was doomed directly the United States. electric wire touched Southern soil. For it money maker in Michigan, the history of Mr. was not possible that the doings of the Slave Tilden reveals that he was a money taker Power could be flashed through the world from the Union Pacific Railroad Company. without awakening a response that must And between the two he ought to be wealthy, destroy it root and branch. But Mr. Tilden and undoubtedly is. But what honest conwas at the Northern end of the wire and nection Mr. Tilden could have with the funds avoided being shocked by crying that it was of the Union Pacific is a mystery. Mr. an outrage to send the grand armies of the Tilden did not tell the story. The books of Republic to put down the rebellion. And the railroad told the tale; and this is how Mr. Tilden's Democratic rebel friends thought the tale is told: Mr. Tilden is connected that he had sufficient occupation thus to lift with the fatal credit mobilier business. A up his voice and cry out in their favor. But dispatch from this city alleges that the books they did not understand Mr. Tilden-Mr. | of the Union Pacific Railroad Company con

tain the record of the payment in one check of $25,000 to the Democratic presidential candidate shortly after the credit mobilier transactions, and his receipt also for that amount. It claims, furthermore, for reasons given, that this payment cannot be accounted for as legal fees. Mr. Tilden can possibly explain the matter satisfactorily.

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And Mr. Tilden has no right to go back to those days when his patriotism was so great that he called the war an outrage, and plead, as Mr. Hewitt did, that such patriotism was above dollars and cents. Mr. Tilden had $25,000 of the railroad money in his pocket. Did he earn it? How? Mr. Tilden is not above an answer.

A THOUSAND MILLION DOLLARS WANTED.

An act "To facilitate the adjustment and settlement of claims of citizens of the United States for stores and supplies taken or furnished during the rebellion, for the use of the army of the United States, and for other purposes."

This bill, introduced in Congress by Wilshire, of Arkansas, just before the adjournment, has a significance not comprehended by the casual reader or thinker. The purpose, however, is direct, and it is a matter of surprise that any Democratic member of the House at this time could have been persuaded into embodying in a proposition intended to become a law a scope of possibilities so disastrous and ruinous to the country.

The first section of the bill amounts to this, that all citizens having any such claims, including the loss of vessels and cargoes, the emancipation of slaves, injury to property,

commercial inconveniences, and every species of damage resulting directly or indirectly from invasion by a victorious army, whether for actual maintenance or for incidental application of personal effects, may substitute suit against the Government in the District Court of the United States for the district where the losses were incurred, and courts are required to hear cases, whatever may be the sum involved.

Another section makes it the duty of the United States District Attorney to represent the Government in each district, and when he is absent, or the functions of his office are suspended, the United States marshal is to serve a valid writ or process, by pasting a copy on the door of the United States courthouse, and this shall be held sufficient to authorize a trial in all cases.

It goes on further to state that "fees are to be paid to attorneys, marshals, and clerks, according to the amount recorded, or to be

recorded by the plaintiff." And then an important item comes in clearly expressed:

"In all cases of final judgment the sum awarded shall be paid out of any general appropriation made by the Government, upon presentation of the judgment to the Secretary of the Treasury, with interest at five per cent. from date of rendition of judgment.'

To clear away every obstacle in this contemplated wholesale raid upon the Treasury, it is proposed that "the laws passed to pro

tect the Treasury in 1871, 1872, and 1873,

together with the Commission of Claims, are repealed, and all books, records, or papers filed with the Commission of Claims are to be deposited with the Department of Justice, and to be delivered over to the District courts where cases are brought for claims."

This is comprehensive enough for the most skeptical. It is, in fact, the most sweeping of all Southern attempts yet inaugurated for depleting the Treasury of the United States. It is a measure to reward Southern rebels for their fruitless endeavors to destroy the Republic. Through its cunningly worded provisions the Southern traitors are to be fully and amply reimbursed for all damages incident to the war; and every advantage is given the claimant, and the bil is put forth mainly in the interests of Southern autocrats, whose property was lost in the vain effort to establish a slave oligarchy upon the ruins of the Union.

These suits are "to be heard in the districts where the losses are incurred." This is a master stroke of policy. It means the trial shall be in the South; the witnesses from the immediate neighborhood; the judges doubtless slightly biased through ambition to cultivate popularity among their constituents, and the whole proceedings under the

direct influence of similar grievances to be | friends, property, yea, life itself—to save the

redressed.

country, while the latter sustained their losses in the mad effort to destroy it. Under this bill of the astute Mr. Wilshire the contrast is amply sufficient in that while there is no adequate redress for Union soldiers in their great sacrifices the rebels are to be paid even to the uttermost farthing.

Should Samuel J. Tilden, through any means of political trickery, in which he is a consummate master, succeed in his election to the Presidency, it would probably involve the Congressional districts, carrying them for the Democracy, and the State Legislatures going with the same would secure the Senate, The claims from Southern sources already when the machinery of the Government would before the Commissioners amounts to somebe wholly in their hands. Under such a state thing over one hundred million dollars. of public affairs Mr. Wilshire's bill would These claims for damages, in most part speedily become a law, the courts would fraudulent, have been refused under Rebe largely, if not absolutely, under control | publican rule; but let this bill become a law, of the Administration, and the rush upon the Treasury would begin.

The amount it would take to satisfy this demand can scarcely be realized. Careful and able men, whose positions have given them the knowledge upon which to base a tolerably correct estimate, think the sum would not fall short of one thousand million dollars.

Every clause in this bill is intended to make the collection of these claims an easy matter, while not one safeguard is thrown around the Treasury. No question is asked relative to the claimant's loyal status during the rebellion. The Union and Confederate soldiers are forced upon an equal footing, notwithstanding the former gave all-home,

and the one hundred millions will not only quickly be paid, but swelled in proportions to a thousand millions—nearly, if not quite, half the present national debt.

Are the American people prepared for a crisis of this character? Are the old veteran heroes of the war to be satisfied with this misapplication of their services? Are they willing to step out from beneath the banner of victory, and placing themselves side by side with those whom they conquered, say, we ask nothing, not even considerate remembrance, for our sufferings in preserving the Union, and are willing you should be paid dollar for dollar for every wrong or injury we may have inflicted in thus sustaining the integrity and unity of the Republic?

ENFORCEMENT OF THE ELECTION LAWS.

were Ku-Klux ruffians and White League assassins whose work was in the interest of the Democratic party. And he arose above the trammels of his party and introduced his preamble and resolution in good faith, that the voice of the South might be heard in the election next November, and the polls be kept open for the deposit of ballots.

Mr. Scott Lord, of New York, is a Demo- | the Republican ticket. He believed that there crat, but is said to be a Christian. As a believer in Divine truth the golden rule had a home in his heart; and the profligate injustice of his party in the South, by denying the rights of citizenship to the colored people, could no more secure his approval than the solemn work of the statesman could be appreciated by a man of the calibre of Mr. Cox, the servant of Tammany Hall, who believes that the chief object in life is to be a buffoon, and to play antics in the face of Heaven when the angels weep to hear his jokes on the horrors of Andersonville and the murders at Hamburg, in South Carolina. Mr. Lord believed the reports of the massacres of voters at the South to prevent their voting

The Democratic party is furious at the passage of the resolution. Southern Democrats had arranged that the vote of the South should be solid for their party; and every one knows what that means. So vile a conspiracy against the rights of the citizen is worthy of the dark ages. And as the reports of murders and other political crimes in the

South reached European countries, when the people were filled with indignation against the Turkish massacres of unoffending Christians, it is not to be wondered at that a comparison was drawn between the events at Hamburg, South Carolina, and Limestone, Texas, and the events on the Turkish battlefields. The London Times could see no difference between the political assassinations by Democrats in the South and the barbarities of the Bashi Bazouks in the. Servian villages; and the American people suffer in reputation abroad, as well as materially and morally at home.

The determination of the President to preserve order in the South during the coming campaign is welcomed by all good citizens; and the orders issued, and to be issued to that end, will undoubtedly be carried out. The use of the army in States lately in rebellion where the habit of disloyalty prevails among the Democratic white citizens, the surviving rebels, is eminently constitutional. If the war had just closed, and these gentlemen, uncertain of the fate which awaited them, had taken the same pains to show their hands as they have done since, it is possible that even the generosity of the Repub. lican party might have considered what was due to the rebel chiefs taken with arms in their hands and bitterness in their hearts before deciding upon the gentle terms of amnesty. And the result might have been different. Treason made odious and dangerous to the necks of the guilty would have had no disposition to erect monuments to the memory of men executed at the stern demand of justice. And the elevation of a few of the most guilty dangling from the limb of a tree might have deprived the world of the pleasure of listening to the voice of Jeff. Davis thanking his rebel comrades for their efforts to destroy the Union, or Congress of the delightful eloquence of Maxey and Gordon or of Lamar and Young, as they defied the patriotism of the people and reveled in reminiscences of their rebellion. It might even have narrowed down the numbers of rebels aspiring to represent the nation or the State in high places, so that when such men as Wade Hampton were looked for they could not be found.

But the mistaken clemency of the Republican party has not been without its lessons, although it has cost thousands of lives, every one of them political murders by the Democratic party in the South. Now, the nation cries, Halt! and the gun-shot policy of the Southern Democracy must cease. The President was never more in earnest than he is to day. His determination to use all constitutional means to put down political assassination, and have the polls kept open, is not to be trifled with. Nor is the temper of the North to be trifled with. The election in the South must be as safe and as free for

Republican citizens, white or black, as in the States of Vermont or Massachusetts. Let the Southern Democracy take a note of this. It may be for their benefit, if not for their comfort. And to show how thoroughly the work of protection is to be done, and how busy the proper officers are in making preparation for it, the following information is made public as to carrying out the election laws:

The Attorney General is preparing, and will in a few days issue, specific instructions to United States marshals in every State in the Union, instructing them as to their duties and rights under the election laws. The object of the administration, as stated by the Attorney General, is to secure to every citizen, in Massachusetts as well as in South Carolina, his full rights under the law. The marshals having once been instructed as to their rights under the law will be expected to enforce them; and if they cannot do this with the usual force at their command, then the military will be sent to assist them.

Under the order issued to General Sherman there will be no present change in the stations of troops in any of the States, North or South, but the order itself will be issued in the form of a general order, and sent to all officers commanding divisions, departments, and posts, and they will regard it as a sufficient notice to hold their troops in readiness to answer any legal demand that may be made upon them to assist in executing the law. General Sherman, in speaking of this order, says he does not believe it is the intention of the President to interfere unduly in the affairs of any State, but thinks that the President has determined, as far as lies in his power, there shall be a fair and Union, even if all the available force of the peaceable election in every State in the army must be used to protect citizens in their rights.

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