The first, and the least important of the five bills, though by far the longest, as it embraced a curious assemblage of the venerable absurdities of former times with respect to commercial regulation, was intituled "An Act to repeal divers Ancient Statutes, and Parts of Statutes, so far as they relate to the Importation and Exportation of Goods and Merchandise from and to Foreign Countries." It included such acts as were passed between the reign of Edward III. and the date of the navigation law, 12th of Charles II., and which, though inconsistent with subsequent acts, or rendered unnecessary by them, had hitherto remained unrepealed. The most of the laws thus erased from the Statute-book, having previously fallen into disuse, and being only known to antiquarian research, produced as little effect as those against sorcery or witchcraft.

The second bill was intituled "An Act to repeal certain Acts and Parts of Acts relating to the Importation of Goods and Merchandise," and cancelled statutes, and parts of statutes enacted during and since the reign of Charles II., "in order that other regulations relating to importation may be declared consolidated and comprised in one act." After a preamble stating this object, it proceeded to repeal the third clause of the navigation law, which enacted that "no goods of the growth, product, or manufacture of Asia, Africa, or America, shall be imported into England, but in such ships as do truly belong to English people, and are navigated by a master, and three English mariners;" and the fourth, which enacted, that "no goods or commodities of foreign growth, pro

duction, or manufacture, which shall be brought into England, otherwise than in ships built and navigated as above shall be shipped from any other place but the place of their growth, production, or manufacture, or from those ports where they can only be, or usually have been brought," together with the 8th section of the same act, which relates to the importation of goods from Russia, and certain enumerated and Turkish goods; and the 12th and 14th sections, which relate to the importation of any commodities from the Levant or the importation of commodities the growth, production, or manufacture of Spain and Por tugal respectively, from any of the ports of Spain and Portugal, or the Western Isles, Madeira, or the Canary islands." Then followed the repeal of various other acts, and parts of acts, from the reign of Charles II. down to the present, the cancelling of which was necessary to make way for the provisions of the third bill, intituled "An Act for the encouragement of Navigation and Commerce, by regulating the Importation of Goods and Merchandise, so far as relates to the Countries or Places from whence, and the ships in which, such Importation shall be made."

Though navigation and commerce are intimately connected, and have generally been found to flourish together, there are circumstances in which their interests may be opposed to each other. It is plain, that we cannot have a great commercial navy without a great commerce; but it is not so plain that we might not have a great trade without a great shipping, and that we might not find it our interest to employ foreigners

as our carriers. By proceeding on a policy which would encourage trade at the expense of shipping, we might gain for a time in commercial profit, but we should lose in national power, commercial security, and maritime influence. In a contest, therefore, between the two interests, it is easy for every patriot or even every enlightened merchant to decide, which should yield. National power and maritime greatness, which in a country like England must depend upon the extent of its commercial shipping, must never be sacrificed to obtain cheaper commodities, or to please foreign customers. Our coasting trade, our colonial trade, and our fisheries must be exclusively carried on in British vessels; and all our intercourse with foreign nations must be conducted by the same means, so far as they will permit, or the well-understood interests of our shipping require. This has been the principle of all our navigation acts; and, in the new law, this general principle was retained, but with modifications adapted to the altered situation of the world. One of these modifications was a provision to allow foreign ships to bring enumerated. goods from any port in Europe, provided the ship belonged to the port in question. This would remove a great deal of inconvenience by superseding the necessity of using circuitous routes. The expenses and other disadvantages incidental to trans-shipments would always prevent any new or irregular practice from receiving encouragement, to the prejudice of a more direct and established system. Another relaxation referred to Holland. The act of Charles II. permitted foreign goods to enter our ports either in British

vessels, or in ships of that country of which they were the growth and produce. But such at that time was our dread of the rivalry of Holland, that the Dutch were debarred from the benefit of this general rule, and all importation was forbidden from Holland and the Netherlands in any ships but our own. By the new law, Holland was placed in the same situation with the rest of Europe. British ships also were permitted to bring articles, the growth or produce of Asia, Africa, and America, from any place in Europe, but only for exportation. By the former act, South American produce could be imported only from certain ports in Spain or Portugal, or in Portuguese and Spanish ships. By the new bill, goods of any country or place in America or the West Indies, belonging to or which had belonged to Spain, might be imported direct from the place of growth in ships of the country; but no importation was permitted in foreign ships from any port in America or the West Indies, where British ships were not admitted.

The fourth bill regulated the trade between our possessions in America and the West Indies, and other places in America and the West Indies. After repealing a multitude of acts, it permitted the importation, subject to certain duties, into certain specified ports, of certain enumerated articles from any foreign country in America or the West Indies, either in British vessels or in vessels owned by the inhabitants of such country; and the articles so imported might be again exported to any other colony or to the United Kingdom. It further provided, that there might be exported, subject to certain

conditions, from the same ports, either in British or foreign vessels, all articles legally imported, or which were of the produce or manufacture of any part of his majesty's dominions.

The fifth bill regulated the trade between our West Indian and American possessions and the rest

the world. It first repealed many existing laws; it then declared that it should be lawful to export, in British ships, from any colony, to any foreign port in Europe or Africa, any articles which had been legally imported into the colony, or were of its own growth or manufacture, and also that it should be lawful to export in British ships, to any colony, from any foreign port in Europe or in Africa, certain enumerated articles.

The object of the two last-mentioned laws was, to open a wider market to the distressed West India planters, by enabling them to carry their produce directly to the continental market.

The government, during the year, directed their attention also to the extension of our eastern commerce, and made a proposal to the East India company, that they should waive that article in their charter which excludes from the private trade to India all ships not measuring 350 tons and upwards; for it had been found, that the limit so fixed to the private trade had, for some time, operated as a serious obstacle to its success. The proposition of ministers, however, was met, on the part of the company, by resolutions to this effect: 1. That the stipulated size of India traders is a part of the compact with the company, to which the faith of parliament stands pledged. 2. That if the company

should concede this point, it could only be on obtaining reciprocal concessions one extending to Indiabuilt ships the full rights of British registry-the other admitting East India sugars to home consumption on equal terms with those of the West India colonies.

Another topic of considerable importance, connected with the prosperity of our commerce, was the fees exacted by our consuls. Mr. Hume directed the attention of the House to these fees, which, by reason of their amount and their uncertainty, operated as a heavy tax upon our trade. The Brazil consulate displayed the most striking instance of abuse; and in the month of April, a petition, signed by 74 out of 79 merchants in that colony, was presented against the exactions to which they were subjected. British merchants in Brazil paid an ad valorem duty of one per cent (per cent on entry, and per cent on departure) upon every cargo, which they carried into the ports of that country. Complaints had been made in the year 1818, and lord Londonderry had issued orders forbidding the levying of so excessive a charge; but, about a month afterwards, he thought fit to countermand his restricting order, and to direct the usual fees to be received until further directions should be given. The consul general, Mr. Chamberlain, had, between the years 1814 and 1820, received no less than 57,5671. The total of the sums received by the consulate of Brazil amounted, in the same 6 years, to 90,274/., and it appeared from the accounts of merchants in the colony, that even that enormous sum of money was not more than two-thirds of the charge borne by the trade; for the

vice-consul, who farmed his place, and did all the duty of the consulgeneral, took whatever fees he thought proper to demand. Other evils and abuses, too, arose out of the proceedings of the vice-consul. The duty payable by English merchants to the Portuguese govern ment was an ad valorem duty; and it appeared, that the vice-consul instead of interfering to prevent excessive rates, he actually went hand in hand with the foreign authorities, because he received a fee proportionable to the sum which they levied. In other parts of the world the system of our consulates was alike faulty in principle, though not to so great an extent as in the Brazils. A vessel of 150 tons paid in consul's fees, for the exhibition of her papers, at Hamburgh, 17. 17s. 6d. At Rotterdam, she would have to pay the same; but let her go to Rochelle, and she would have to pay 5l. 16s. 8d.; at Bordeaux, Sl. 2s. 6d. ; at Naples, 4l. 3s. 10d.; at Leghorn, 31. 8s. 9d.; at Genoa, 31. 15s., and so on, the charge

varying almost in every port, but exorbitantly high in all. A small vessel taking in a cargo of fruit at St. Michael's, would have to pay three guineas. Besides those sums taken from the pockets of individuals, the country was burthened with a large charge for the salaries of many of those consuls. The sum paid under this head in 1792 was 10,000l. In the present year it was 30,000l. We paid 1,000l. a year to a consul at Venice, where not five British ships entered in the year.

Mr. Hume's plan for the remedy of the evil, was to have regular tables of moderate fees for each consul, from which no variation should be permitted.

As often as the subject was discussed, lord Londonderry and Mr. Robinson admitted the existence of the mischief, and expressed their desire of removing it. It was a matter, they said, which had occupied the attention of the government; and the board of Trade were preparing a bill to regulate it.