ments which he had made, and which had been refuted in the preceding year; diversified with additional complaints of the great expenses of sir Thomas Maitland's administration, and with two or three fresh charges of acts of wanton despotism. This speech was the preface to the four following resolutions.

1. "That it appears by documents upon the table of this House, that the Ionian Islands were, by a treaty signed at Paris on the 5th November, 1815, between the courts of Vienna, St. Petersburgh, London, and Berlin, declared to be a single, free, and independent state,' and were placed under the immediate and exclusive protection of the king of Great Britain; and that, by article 6 of the said treaty, 'his Britannic majesty consents that a particular convention with the government of the said United states shall settle, according to the state revenues, all matters relative to the maintenance of the fortresses now existing, as well as to the support and pay of the British garrisons, and to the number of men who are to compose them in time of peace. The said convention shall also establish the relations which are to take place between the armed force and the Ionian government.' That by article 12, of the second section of the 7th chapter of the constitutional chart of the United states of the Ionian Islands, agreed to by the legislative assembly on the 2nd May, 1817, and sanctioned by his majesty the king of Great Britain, it is settled, that all expense of quartering the regular troops of his majesty, the protecting sovereign, and generally speaking, all military expense of every kind to be incurred by the states (as far as

relates to the 3,000 men therein named) shall be paid out of the general treasury of the same.'

2. "That it appears by returns on the table of this House, that the expenditure of Great Britain for the military establishments in the Ionian Islands, amounted to the sum of 145,0231. in the year 1817; and to 120,045l. in 1818, exclusive of the expense for transports, relief of troops, passage money, and other charges which have not been laid before the House.

3. "That it is expedient, in the present state of the finances of the United kingdom, that the military expense incurred for the Ionian Islands, should be paid from the revenues of those Islands, and regulated agreeably to the stipulalations of the treaty of Paris, 5th November 1815, and the convention of the United Ionian states, agreed to on the 2nd May, 1817 and sanctioned by his majesty.

4. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to direct an inquiry into the state of the government of the Ionian Islands, the causes of the general disaffection, and of the numerous arrests and banishments which have taken place there, and for what reasons the inhabitants were disarmed, and martial law proclaimed."

Mr. Wilmot proved satisfactorily, that the supposed facts, on which Mr. Hume relied, were complete misrepresentations. As the first two resolutions were mere assertions, he moved the previous question on them; the third was negatived without a division; on the fourth the House divided; when the Ayes were 67, and the Noes,

152.

A bill was introduced by the

ministers on the 20th of June, to regulate the trade and government of Canada. It consisted of three parts. One applied to Canada those principles of free trade, which, by an act already mentioned, were this year extended to our West Indian colonies. A second class of provisions related to the distribution and appropriation of certain duties between the two provinces of Lower and Upper Canada. The third and most important part of the bill new-modelled the constitution of the Canadas, as fixed by the act of 1791, and was intended to bring the two provinces into a closer union, by incorporating their legislatures, to promote the general prosperity by the abolition of the feudal tenures, and to diffuse the English language, and the spirit of the English constitution, more uniformly among all the classes of the population. This part of the measure was keenly opposed by sir James Mackintosh, and other members of Opposition. They founded their objections not on the intrinsic merits or demerits of the new arrangement, but on the period when it was brought forward; contending, that time ought to be allowed to the people of the Canadas to express their feelings and wishes on the subject. All the merchants of London, connected with the Canadas, petitioned in favour of the bill, and some of those, who usually resisted the government (Mr. Ellice for example, and sir F. Burdett), thought that its provisions were marked by a spirit of liberality highly honourable to those who had brought it forward, and that it ought to receive the sanction of the legisla ture with the least possible delay. Still sir James Mackintosh, and those who adopted his notions, per

sisted in their metaphysical objections: so that the ministers found, that a measure, which had been brought forward with the purest and most patriotic views, could not be passed in the face of a most strenuous opposition, except under circumstances which might disturb or alienate the feelings of the Canadians. They were thus reduced to the necessity of separating the bill into two parts. That which contained the enactments concerning trade and the apportionment of duties, was passed: the other, which new-modelled the constitution, was postponed. Sir Francis Burdett expressed very earnestly his regret, that the theoretical nicety of a few of his friends, should have succeeded in preventing or delaying the enjoyment of the great practical benefits, which would have resulted from an union of Upper and Lower Canada, under one provincial legislature.

This was not the only instance, in which ministers showed an anxious desire to improve the condition of our foreign dependencies. A commission was sent out to inquire into the state of the settlements of the Cape of Good Hope, the Mauritius, and Ceylon, and also into the administration of criminal justice in the Leeward Islands. Mr. Hume wished that the inquiry should be extended to Trinidad, with a view to the abolition of the Spanish jurisprudence in that island; but he finally desisted from pressing this proposition.

During this session, the report of the Commissioners, who had been sent out to inquire into the state of the colony of New South Wales, was laid before parliament. It was drawn up by Mr. Bigg,

pages.

and filled two hundred folio In it, the reporter accompanies the convicts from the shores of England on their passage out, to their landing in the region of their banishment. He then pursues them through their several employments in the public service, or in that of individuals, whether free settlers, or emancipated convicts. He describes the course and objects of their work-the superintendence and discipline to which they are subjected the inefficacy of both towards any sensible amelioration of their vicious and abandoned habits-and after enlarging freely on what he conceives to be the errors and abuses of the local government in its treatment of this worse than barbarous population, he recommends the adoption of a series of wholesome, or at least plausible, changes in the future arrangements of the colony, and in the exercise of those extensive powers, which are unavoidably lodged with the governor of such a community, at such a distance from home.

The following are some of the most important results of Mr. Bigg's observations. It seems to be acknowledged, that the severe and stern control, which once distinguished the treatment of convicts, both by the officers of government and by the resident magistracy, has been of late years much relaxed. The increasing numbers, both of the criminal and the respectable population, have been assigned as the principal cause of this misfortune. As the free settlers have multiplied rapidly, even in proportion to the number of the convicts, the public sefety of the settlement is of course less endangered, than at an early period of its existence. Moreover, the convicts

now exceed ten times their original number; at least 4-5ths of them are of necessity permitted to go at large for several hours of each day, and those inhabiting the towns of the settlement, are allowed to congregate when they are not employed at work. It is plain, therefore, that the same degree of rigorous and constant superintendance would neither be supported by the same stimulus of natural alarm, nor could be applied, were it even thought necessary, with the same success as at first. Instead of being landed as formerly, on a desert coast, with only a detachment of soldiers and a band of constables to superintend them, each cargo of criminals now finds a large assortment of old colleagues in vice-a considerable town with all the resources of licentiousness to give play to their depraved and inveterate habits-and a body of free inhabitants fast rising into wealth, that their propensity to fraud or force may not want matter for indulgence. Thus, transportation to New South Wales has ceased to afford the means either of punishing crime, or of reforming the criminal. So large a body as nearly 4,500 convicts of both sexes were in September, 1820, inhabiting in or about Sydney alone; and to show what progress had been made towards a purification of their old practices, the magistrates were obliged to sentence and punish (exclusive of those who were tried by the superior courts) 1,317 of these, or rather more than two in seven!

It would appear that the most powerful motive to industry and sobriety in the convicts, viz. the hope of improving their condition through the practice of these

homely virtues, has been but rarely or injudiciously called into action by the colonial government. From the want of steadiness or sagacity, neither mildness, nor coercion, have been so managed as to exhibit their just effects; the one having generally produced ungrateful insolence; the other, idle desperation. As a summary of the whole amount of converts to decency though even among them, according to a respectable clergyman, the generality "resident on their own property are poor and immoral, with little religion among the best, and no appearance of it among the greater part," even of such, there could be calculated no more than about 367, out of a total of 4,376 "re

mitted" convicts; that is, of convicts, who, either having been pardoned, or having completed their period of penal service, had become residents in the colony.

The female convicts practise universally and openly the most brutal prostitution.

The chief remedy, which Mr. Bigg recommends for the evils which he has pointed out, is, that the greater portion of the convicts, instead of being collected in Sydney, and the four or five other towns of the colony, should be transported to three new settlements on the coast, not affording the means of indulgence to profligacy, and there subjected to a more penal system of administration.

BESIDES

ESIDES the proceedings of which we have given an account, some other subjects were brought before parliament, which excited keen debate, though in themselves of little or no intrinsic importance. Early in the session, sir Robert Wilson made a motion concerning his own dismissal from the service. The gallant general entered into a full explanation of his conduct on the 14th of August, 1821, and moved for "copies of the correspondence which had taken place between him and the commander in chief, and others, on the subject of his dismissal." Ministers resisted this motion, not on the positive demerits of sir Robert Wilson, but on the constitutional prerogative of the king to erase from the army-list any officer in the service, no matter whether he had purchased his commissions or not. The House coincided with their view of the question, by a division of 199 against 97, leaving a majority against sir Robert's motion of 102.

On the 6th of March, Mr. Bennet moved, that the respect and solemnity, which by antient custom were observed at the funerals of queens of England, had been unnecessarily and indecorously vioVOL. LXIV.

lated at the funeral of her late majesty, queen Caroline.

Mr. Peel gave a triumphant refutation to all the charges which were brought forward: andeven Dr. Lushington was forced to make such admissions, as overthrew the alleged reasons by which the motion was supported. It was accordingly negatived without a division.

Many petitions were presented, praying the House of Commons to interfere in behalf of Mr. Hunt, who was still a prisoner in Ilchester gaol; and sir Francis Burdett made a formal motion to the same effect. The misconduct of the governor of Ilchester gaol, and the exertions of Mr. Hunt in exposing his alleged mal-practices, were the principal arguments urged to show that the period of confinement, to which the latter had been sentenced, ought to be shortened. Mr. Peel resisted the motion strenuously; and declared, that even if the House voted an address to the effect now sought, he would not advise the crown to accede to it. Sir Francis's proposition was of course rejected.

In this session, also, as in the former, the conduct of the bishop of Peterborough was rendered the subject of discussion in the House [N]