third his Vera Cruz. Did they remain untouched and incapable of harm? Alas! no; far, very far from it. Retributive justice must fulfil its destiny too.

11. A very few years pass off, and we hear of a new man, a Corsican lieutenant, the self-named "armed soldier of democracy"-Napoleon. He ravages Austria, covers her land with blood, drives the northern Cæsar from his capital, and sleeps in his palace. Austria may now remember how her power trampled upon Poland. Did she not pay dear, very dear, for her California? T. CORWIN.

95. THE CAUSE OF THE UNION.

[ROBERT C. WINTHROP, born 1807. During his public life Mr. Winthrop was a leading member of the Whig party. He spoke frequently upon the great questions of the day, and his speeches always commanded attention from their logical and eloquent style.]

NION for the sake of the Union;" "our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country;" these are the mottoes, old, stale, hackneyed, and threadbare, as they may have seemed when employed as the watchwords of an electioneering campaign, but clothed with a new power, a new significance, a new gloss, and a new glory, when uttered as the battle-cries of a nation struggling for existence; these are the only mottoes which can give a just and adequate expression to the cause in which you have enlisted.

2. Sir, I thank Heaven that the trumpet has given no uncertain sound while you have been preparing yourselves for the battle.

3. This is the Cause which has been solemnly proclaimed by both branches of Congress, in resolutions passed at the instance of those truc-hearted sons of Tennessee and Kentucky,-Johnson and Crittenden,—and which, I rejoice to remember at this hour, received your own official sanction as a senator of the United States.

4. This is the Cause which has been recognized and avowed by the President of the United States, with a frankness and a fearlessness which have won the respect and admiration of us all.

5. This is the Cause which has been so fervently commended to us from the dying lips of a Doug as, and by the matchless living voices of a Holt and an Everett.

6. And this, finally, is the Cause which has obliterated, as no other cause could have done, all divisions and distinctions of party, nationality, and creed; which has appealed alike to Republican, Democrat, and Union Whig, to native citizen and adopted citizen; and in which not the sons of Massachusetts, or of New England, or of the North alone, not the dwellers on the Hudson, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna only, but so many of those, also, on the Potomac and the Ohio, the Mississippi and the Missouri, on all the lakes, and in all the vast Mesopotamia of the mighty West,—yes, and strangers from beyond the seas, Irish and Scotch, German, Italian and French,-the common emigrant, and those who have stood nearest to a throne, -brave and devoted men from almost every nation under heaven,―men who have measured the value of our country to the world by a nobler standard than the cotton crop, and who realize that other and more momentous destinies are at stake upon our struggle than such as can be wrought upon any mere material looms and shuttles,-all, all are seen rallying beneath a common flag, and exclaiming with one heart and voice: "The American Union, it must be and shall be preserved !"

7. And we owe it, sir, to the memory of our fathers, we owe it to the hopes of our children, we owe it to the cause of free institutions, and of good government of every sort throughout the world, to make the effort, cost what it may of treasure or of blood, and, with God's help, to accomplish the result.

8. I have said enough, and more than enough, to manifest the spirit in which this flag is now committed to your charge. It is the national eusign, pure and simple, dearer to all our

hearts at this moment, as we lift it to the gale, and see no other sign of hope upon the storm-cloud which rolls and rattles above it, save that which is reflected from its own radiant hues.-dearer, a thousand-fold dearer to us all, than ever it was before, while gilded by the sunshine of prosperity and playing with the zephyrs of peace. It will speak for itsel far more eloquently than I can speak for it.

9. Behold it! Listen to it! Every star has a tongue; every stripe is articulate. There is no language or speech where their voices are not heard. There is magic in the web of it. It has an answer for every question of duty. It has a solution for every doubt and every perplexity. It has a word of good cheer for every hour of gloom or of despondency.

10. Behold it! Listen to it! It speaks of earlier and of later struggles. It speaks of victories, and sometimes of reverses, on the sea and on the land. It speaks of patriots and heroes among the living and among the dead; and of him, the first and greatest of them all, around whose consecrated ashes this unnatural and abhorrent strife has so long been raging,"the abomination of desolation, standing where it ought not."

11. But, before all and above all other associations and memories, whether of glorious men, or glorious deeds, or glorious places,-its voice is ever of Union and Liberty, of the Constitution and the Laws.

12. Behold it! Listen to it! Let it tell the story of its birth to these gallant volunteers, as they march beneath its folds by day, or repose beneath its sentinel-stars by night.

13. Let it recall to them the strange, eventful history of its rise and progress; let it rehearse to them the wondrous tale cf its trials and its triumphs, in peace as well as in war; and whatever else may happen to it, or to them, it will never be surrendered to rebels, never be ignominiously struck to treason, nor ever be prostituted to any unworthy and un christian purpose of revenge, depredation, or rapine.

14. And may a merciful God cover the head of each one of its brave defenders in the hour of battle! R. C. WINTHROP

96. DUTY OF AMERICAN CITIZENS.

[DOUGLAS, as a political speaker and pleader at the bar, possessed brilliant natural powers, and had he lived, would undoubtedly have become one of the most distinguished American orators.]

UT this is no time for a detail of causes.

BUT

The conspiracy

is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war: only patriots ortraitors.

2. We cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn fact that war does exist. The Government must be maintained, its enemies overthrown; and the more stupendous our preparations the less the bloodshed, and the shorter the struggle will be. But we must remember certain restraints on our action, even in time of war. We are a Christian people, and the war must be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian nations.

3. We must not invade constitutional rights. The innocent must not suffer, nor women and children be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But while I sanction no war on the rights of others, I will implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms until our own rights are recognized.

4. The Constitution and its guarantees are our birthright, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right to the last extent. We cannot recognize secession. Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved government, but you have destroyed social order, and upturned the foundations of society. You have inaugurated anarchy in its worst form, and will shortly experience all the horrors of the French Revolution.

5. Then we have a solemn duty,-to maintain the Govern ment. The greater our unanimity, the specdier the day of peace. We have prejudices to overcome from a fierce party contest waged a few short months since. Yet these must be

allayed. Let us lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have again a country, with the United States flag floating over it, and respected on every inch of American soil,-it will then be time enough to ask who and what brought all this upon us.

6. I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war: but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect the war will be, I express it as my conviction, before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally round the flag of his country.

DOUGLAS.

97. THE FOUNDATION OF NATIONAL CHARACTER.

[EDWARD EVERETT's style is rich and glowing, but always under the control of sound judgment and good taste. He was in Congress twelve years, and in 1841 was appointed Minister to the Court of St. James. Mr. Everett had one of the most cultivated minds of the day.]

How

TOW is the spirit of a free people to be formed, and animated, and cheered, but out of the storehouse of its historic recollections? Are we to be eternally ringing the changes upon Marathon and Thermopyla; and going back to read in obscure texts of Greek and Latin, of the exemplars of patriotic virtue?

2. I thank God that we can find them nearer home, in our own country, on our own soil;-that strains of the noblest sertiment that ever swelled in the breast of man, are breathing to us out every page of our country's history, in the native eloquence of our mother-tongue,-that the colonial and provincial councils of America exhibit to us models of the spirits and character which gave Greece and Rome their name and their praise among nations.

3. Here we ought to go for our instruction;-the lesson is plain, it is clear, it is applicable. When we go to ancient history, we are bewildered with the difference of manners and