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an act, by which the several proprietors entitled to vote should be obliged to hold this qualification six months, at least, before the exercise of their right, afterwards extending the time to twelve months, rather than the act should fail of its intended effect. This proposed increase of the qualification of the voters, however, could not, in any degree, answer the end desired; for, the splitting of stock being confined to such proprietors as held large quantities, they would find it an easy matter to place their stocks in the hands of half the number of persons, and thus extend their influence in a great and undue proportion: but, if ever government conceived designs against the, company, they would find it much easier to execute them while the proprietors were few and opulent, than when they were numerous, and at the same time independent, and possessed of moderate fortunes. This petition produced a motion in the house of commons, That it does not appear that the proprietors of £500 stock in the East India company have been guilty of any delinquency in the exercise of their charter rights, according to the several acts of parliament made in their behalf.' This, however, being rejected, the regulating bill passed in the house of commons by a majority of more than six to one. In the house of lords it passed by seventy-four to seventeen.

All this time enquiries were continued by the select and secret committee; and a report was presented by general Burgoyne, containing many charges of cruelty and rapacity in the conduct of several gentlemen, concerned in the management of the affairs of the company; particularly with regard to the deposition of Surajah Dowlah in 1756. This was said to have been the origin of all the evils that had happened since that time. He insisted much on the treachery used in bringing about that revolution, and particularly the fictitious treaty with Omichund; exposed the conduct of lord Clive, wno had caused admiral Watson's name to be affixed to that treaty, which the admiral had refused to sign in person, &c. He concluded with moving for the restitution of all the money received in presents, or otherwise, in India, while the receivers acted in a public capacity: That all acquisitions made under the influence of a military force, or by treaty with foreign powers, do of right belong to the state; that to appropriate acquisitions obtained by such means is illegal; and that great sums of money had been obtained by such means from the sovereign princes in India.'

The general belief that many of the company's servants had acted in a most infamous manner, was at this time so strong, that the above resolutions were carried almost unanimously. Lord Clive defended himself by general protestations of innocence; which, however, gained him but little credit, till he entered into a particular refutation of the charge against him. General Burgoyne now moved, That lord Clive, in consequence of the powers vested in him in India, had received at various times presents to the amount of £234,000 sterling, to the dishonor and detriment of the state:' but this being rejected, after violent debates, the following was substi

tuted: That lord Clive did, in so doing, abuse the power with which he was entrusted, to the evil example of the servants of the public.' This motion, also, being rejected, another was made, 'That lord Clive, when he received the sum above mentioned, did at the same time render great and meritorious services to his country?' Thus the matter was concluded, and the affairs of the company delivered into the hands of administration, who declared that their regard for its welfare was the sole motive for bringing about this revolution.

In America the trifling tax on tea, which had not been repealed, and the allowance given to the East India company to export what quantities they pleased, now threw matters into a ferment not to be quelled. The various proceedings there, and subsequent war, are elsewhere related. Here it only remains to give an account of the manner in which the legislature and people of Great Britain were affected by these events. Ever since the peace, in 1763, the disposition shown by government to augment the revenue had produced in the popular party of Great Britain a spirit very similar to that inanifested by the Americans, though in an inferior degree: so that the patriots of Britain considered the Americans as oppressed by government, and suffering in the same cause with themselves. The destruction of the tea at Boston and other places in America, however, considerably diminished the number of their friends, and made many of those who still adhered to their cause much less sanguine. The matter was announced to parlia ment by a special message from the throne. Lord North and the other ministers set forth the conduct of the colonists, particularly of the town of Boston, in a most atrocious light; and concluded that government was now perfectly justifiable in adopting any measures they might think proper, to inflict punishment on that town. Opposition did not pretend to exculpate, though they still attempted to excuse them, by deriving all the disturbances in that country from the arbitrary and absurd measures pursued at home. This charge the minister evaded by drawing the attention of the house to the more important consideration, Whether the Americans were now to be dependent, or independent, on Great Britain? The Boston port bill, being then brought in, was carried, but not without considerable opposition, both within and without doors. A petition was first presented against by Mr. Bollan, agent for the council of Massachusett's Bay, urging an act of queen Elizabeth for the security of the liberty of the colonies. This was presented before the bill had actually made its appearance. After it had passed two readings, this gentleman presented another, desiring to be heard in behalf of the town of Boston, for the council of Massachusett's Bay. This was refused; because, though Mr. Bollan was agent for the colony, he was not for the corporation of the town of Boston. Another petition followed from the lord mayor, in the name of the natives and inhabitants of North America residing at that time in London. It concluded with these remarkable words, that the attachment of America would not survive the justice of Britain. As little re

gard, however, being paid to this as to the former petitions, and all proposals for a delay rejected, the bill passed both houses without a division. That this obnoxious bill might not be sent to America without some mitigation, the popular party now proposed to repeal the duty on tea laid on in 1767; but this was also rejected, from a vain expectation that the opposition of the Americans was that of a mere tumultuous mob.

Still greater opposition was made to the Quebec bill, so that, before it could be carried, the ministers were obliged to drop much of that high and aspiring tone to which they had accustomed themselves in talking of American affairs. The minority contended, that here, without any necessity pleaded, or even suggested, an arbitrary influence was extended by act of parliament to that province, furnishing a dangerous precedent, and an additional instance of the aversion which ministry bore to the rights of the people. The people at large, also, were alarmed at the religious part of the bill; and thought that the establishment of the Roman Catholic religion there gave it a preference over the protestant. At the conclusion of the session, the king expressed the greatest satisfaction at what had been done, and hopes of the good effects that would attend the new regulations. The reception they met with in AMERICA is related in its proper place; in Britain the people seemed to wait the event with indifference, but their bad success with the colonists furnished the minority with new matter of reproach on administration. The parliament in the mean time was dissolved by proclamation, and a very short time allowed for the election of new members. The new parliament met on the 30th of November, 1774; when his majesty acquainted the houses that a most daring spirit of resistance still prevailed in America, notwithstanding the most proper means had been taken to prevent the mischiefs thence arising; and assured them that they might depend on a firm resolution, on his part, to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this legislature over all the dominions of the crown. In answer to the speech, the minority demanded a communication of all the letters, orders, and instructions, relating to American affairs; but this being over-ruled, and the address carried as a matter of form, American affairs were delayed, in spite of all opposition, till after the holidays. In the question on the address, the majority in favor of administration, was 191; the votes being 264 to seventy-three.

7. The American War.-In the beginning of 1775 the minority received a considerable accession of strength by the return of lord Chatham to the house of lords, after a long absence. He testified his disapprobation of the measures which had been pursued with regard to America in the warmest terms; moved for addressing the king to recal the troops from Boston: and predicted that, if ministers went on in the way they had done for some time, they would make the crown not worth the king's wearing. All his eloquence, however, proved ineffectual; administration was determined to force the Americans into subjec

tion, and his motion was rejected by sixty-eight to eighteen. Lord North now presented the papers which had been called for by the minority; with the exception of particular names, lest they should prove detrimental to individuals, This was complained of, but to no purpose; and the papers were laid before a committee of the whole house. In the mean time petitions against coercive measures with America had been received from most of the trading companies of the kingdom; and a committee was appointed to take them into consideration: but such a delay took place, in regard to these petitions, that the committee to which they were consigned was humorously called the committee of oblivion. A violent debate arose on the petition of congress to the king, which had been delivered and by him referred to parliament. It was argued by administration, that no petition could be received from the Continental congress, which was no legal body, and it would be admitting their legality to receive a petition from them; the general assemblies and their agents were the only lawful representatives of the colonies, and none else could be admitted. After an ineffectual struggle of opposition, the petition was finally rejected by 218 to sixty-eight. In the mean time a conciliatory plan was prepared by the earl of Chatham, which was presented on the 1st of February, 1775. The intent of this bill, he said, was to settle the troubles in America, and to assert at the same time the supreme legislative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over her colonies. This was to be done by their acknowledging the supremacy of the British legislature and the superintending power of parliament. No taxes were to be levied in America but with the free consent of their assemblies. It asserted a right in the crown to keep and station a military force established by law in any part of its dominions; but declared, that it could not be legally employed to enforce implicit and unlawful submission. A congress might also be held, in order to recognise the supreme sovereignty of Great Britain over the colonies, and to settle, at the same time, an annual revenue upon the crown, disposeable by parliament, and applicable to the exigences of the nation. On complying with these conditions, the acts complained of by congress were to be suspended, with every other measure pointed out as a grievance, and the constitution of their governments to remain as settled by their charters. This bill was, however, at once deemed inadmissible, on account of its alleged partiality to America, and particularly by its empowering the colonies to assemble in congress: a measure which, of all others, was at that time the most offensive. Lord Chatham was by no means deficient in arguments in support of his plan: but these, supported by all the powers of his eloquence, proved unsuccessful; the proposal being rejected by sixty-one to thirty-two. So determined were the majority in this entire rejection, that it was not even permitted to lie upon the table. A petition was next presented to the house of commons, by the proprietors of estates in the West India islands, representing their alarm at the association of the Americans, and

their intended stoppage of trade with the British islands; the situation of which, they said, would be very calamitous, if the acts in question were not immediately repealed. Administration represented all petitions now as the contrivance of faction; and said, that, however inconvenient the coercive measures might be, they ought not to be retarded by the consideration of any temporary losses. As it was necessary, however, to let the nation know the ultimate resolves of administration respecting America, lord North in a long speech asserted, that the universal fermentation, then prevailing in the colonies, proceeded from the arts used to dispose them against the ruling powers in Britain; and that, notwithstanding all their complaints, the public charges borne by individuals in America were, on the strictest computation, not more than one to fifty when compared to what was paid by individuals in England. Nothing, therefore, but a settled determination to quarrel with the parent state could induce the Americans to persist in their disobedience to the lawful injunctions laid upon them. For this reason he proposed to the house to send a competent force to America; and to pass a temporary act, suspending all the foreign trade of the different colonies of New England, particularly the Newfoundland fishery, until they should acknowledge the supreme authority of the British legislature. New England, he said, was justly singled out upon this occasion, as being the most guilty of the whole. The question now was simply, Whether we would at once abandon all claims on the colonies, and instantly give up the advantages arising from our sovereignty, and the commerce dependent on it? or, Whether we should resort to the measures indispensably necessary to ensure both? An address was carried, which, in the ideas of opposition, amounted to an absolute declaration of

war.

In the mean time matters went on from bad to worse in New England; so that it was soon perceived, either that the friends of government in that colony did not exert themselves, or that they were far from being so numerous as had been imagined. To make their coercive plan the more effectual, therefore, it was judged necessary to extend it, so that every individual of the colony should become sensible of the punishment. This, it was supposed, would be done by a bill for restraining the four provinces of New England from commerce with Great Britain, Ireland, or the British West India islands; and prohibiting them from carrying on the fishery at Newfoundland. The reasons given for this were in substance the same as those for the others; and indeed both parties had now so much exhausted their arguments, that very little new matter was left for either. Every step taken by ministry, and every proposal made by them, however, produced a violent debate; and, though they constantly gained the victory, it was not without the mortification of hearing their principles and conduct reprobated in the most opprobrious manner. In this instance the bill was carried by 261 against eighty-five.

The restraining bill was no sooner carried, than a petition was presented against it, by the

London merchants concerned in the American trade, setting forth the danger that would accrue to the fisheries of Great Britain from such a prohibition. From the evidence brought in support of this petition it appeared, that ten years before the American fisheries had been in such a flourishing state, that the four provinces of New England alone employed nearly 46,000 ton of shipping, and 6000 seamen; and that the produce of their fisheries in the foreign markets amounted in 1764 to upwards of £320,000. Since that time they had greatly increased; and what rendered the fisheries particularly valuable was, that all the materials used in them, excepting only the timber for building the vessels, and the salt for curing the fish, were purchased in Britain, and the nett proceeds of the trade were also remitted thither. It appeared, also, that it would not be practicable to transfer these fisheries to Halifax or Quebec. Some other circumstances were likewise urged as strong reasons against this bill; particularly the commercial concerns of London with New England (to which city alone the colony stood indebted for nearly £1,000,000), and the bad consequences of it to the people of Nantucket, a barren island, lying off the coast of New England, about fifteen miles long, and three broad, containing about 6000 inhabitants, almost all Quakers. The natural produce of this island could not maintain twenty families; but the industry of the inhabitants was such, that they kept 130 vessels constantly employed in the whale-fishery, which they carried on in the North Seas, to the coasts of Africa and Brasil, and even as far as the Falkland Islands, and the shores of Terra Magellan ica. This bill was debated with great animosity in the house of peers, and produced a remarkabie protest, in which the measures of government were spoken of with great severity. government (said the protesting peers) which attempts to preserve its authority by destroying the trade of its subjects, and by involving the innocent and guilty in a common ruin, if it acts from a choice of such means, confesses itself unworthy; if from inability to find any other, admits itself wholly incompetent to the end of its institution.' They also reprobated in severe terms the assertion, that the Americans wanted spirit to resist, and that Britain would find them an easy conquest.

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The final resolution of reducing the colonies by force being now taken, it became necessary to make proper preparations for the purpose; and in this the conduct of administration was little less censured than in other respects. As the opinion that the Americans were timid and incapable of becoming soldiers, prevailed greatly at that time, a force of 10,000 men was judged sufficient to reduce the province of New England to obedience. This was vehemently opposed by the minority. They insisted that the force was totally inadequate, and only calculated to produce expense to no purpose. The first impression, they justly observed, ought to be decisive, if possible; and, to render it so, it was necessary to send such a fleet and army as might ensure the confidence of the public, and be certainly capable of surmounting all obstacles.

Many of the friends of administration were of the same sentiments, and the only reason assigned for acting otherwise was, a hope that the Americans would, upon more mature consideration, desist from their opposition. That they might the more readily be induced to this submission, lord North's conciliatory proposition was formed. By this it was enacted, that when the governor, council, and assembly, of any of the colonies, should propose to make a provision for the common defence, &c., and if such provision should be approved of by the king in parliament, the levying, or imposing of taxes on that colony should then be forborne, those duties excepted which it might be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce; the nett produce of which should be carried to the account of the colony where it was raised. But this proposal, though highly extolled by the friends of administration, was no less reprobated by the minority than the others had been. It was said to be insidious, and calculated for the purpose of raising a revenue, which was now said to be the object of ministers. There was no essential difference between the present and former modes of taxation. The colonies were as effectually taxed without their consent, by requiring them to pay a stated sum, as by laying a number of duties upon them to the same amount. There was besides a capital deficiency in the proposal, viz. that no sum was specified; so that the Americans were left totally ignorant of what the demands of Britain might be. After a long debate, however, the question was carried in favor of administration by 274 to eighty-eight. The like fate attended a petition to the throne from the island of Jamaica. Instead of relaxing any thing of their severity, the ministry now included the southern colonies in the restrictions laid on New England. Still, however, the petitioners were indefatigable in their endeavours to be heard.

The West India merchants and planters seconded their last petition, by a detail of circumstances relating to the British islands in that part of the world. This affair was conducted by Mr. Glover, a gentleman equally celebrated for his literary talents and commercial knowledge. From his investigations it appeared that, exclusive of the intrinsic worth of the islands, their stock in trade and other property amounted to no less than £60,000,000: the exportation to Britain had of late been nearly 200,000 hogsheads and puncheons of sugar and rum, amounting to no less than £4,000,000 in value; the direct revenue arising from which was £700,000, besides that which accrued from the collateral branches depending upon it. All this, however, was urged in vain. Conciliatory proposals were also made by Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley, but they were rejected by great majorities. Government continued to enact new laws against the Americans; and their antagonists opposed these in a manner similar to what has been already related. Other petitions were presented and treated with neglect. The increase of union, and preparations for war among the colonists were by the ministerial party treated as the mere commotions of a headstrong mob; and by the other as an association of an injured and virtuous

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people, who were about to found a mighty empire in the west, while Britain was to sink in utter disgrace and contempt by their secession. On this principle, the event of the skirmish at Lexington was magnified by the one into a 'disgraceful defeat' on the part of the British; and by the other treated with absolute unconcern. Thus, also, the battle at Bunker's Hill, and all the transactions of the year 1775, were unfairly stated by both parties; and the only consequence ensuing from these misrepresentations was, the inflaming to a violent degree the resentment betwixt the two parties; one of which depressed the Americans to the rank of consummate poltroons, while the other exalted them almost to that of demigods.

While these alterations continued to agitate the minds of the superior classes of people in Britain, the middie and lower ranks remained in a kind of indifference, or rather were against the proceedings of ministry. This opposition could not indeed influence the councils of the nation, but in other respects it proved very troublesome. The levies were obstructed, and the recruiting service was never known to go on so heavily; numbers of people not only refusing the usual proffers, but even reprobating the cause in which they were solicited to engage. Besides this, several officers of high rank showed a great aversion to the service. Lord Effingham, who had distinguished himself by his opposition to ministerial measures, resigned the command of his regiment, rather than fight against the cause he had espoused so warmly. His example was followed by that of several other officers; and, while this step.conferred upon them a considerable share of popularity, it excited in the minds of ministry an equal degree of resentment. Lord Effingham, in particular, received the public thanks of the cities of London and Dublin; both of which showed an extreme aversion to the commencement of hostilities with America. The former, after the affair at Lexington, framed a remonstrance and petition, animadverting in the most severe manner on the ministry and parliament; and it was not without the greatest difficulty, that the more moderate party procured one to be drawn up, under the name of an 'humble petition,' couched in less reprehensible terins. In the mean time several inconveniences began to be felt in different parts of the nation. The suspension of the sale and purchase of negro slaves in the West Indies and in North America, and the prohibition to export arms and gunpowder, had greatly impeded the African trade from Bristol and Liverpool. In consequence of this, a great number of ships which formerly sailed from these ports had been laid up, and nearly 3000 sailors belonging to Liverpool were dismissed from service. Their situations soon rendered them riotous; and it was not without the assistance of the military that they were quelled. These distresses, however, made no impression on administration; who having once laid it down as a maxim, that the subjection of America was the duty of Great Britain, were, in consistence. with their own principles, obliged to overlook every disaster that might happen in the mean

time as a temporary inconvenience. It was with the utmost satisfaction, therefore, that the nation received the news of Mr. Penn's arrival in 1775, with a new petition from the congress to the king. This petition was delivered to lord Dartmouth on the 1st of September; and in three days it was replied, that no answer would be given to it; a procedure which excited no small surprise, as it was universally allowed that the language of the petition was respectful, and that it expressed the strongest desire for peace and reconciliation. On the other hand, the friends of administration insisted, that the petition offered nothing that could in consistency with the dignity of the British empire be taken notice of. Instead of professing any repentance for their own conduct, the Americans had offered stipulations, and even required concessions on the part of Britain. It was likewise said, that fear had a share in framing the proposals now held out. The colonists were sensible, that, though the first steps taken by Britain had not answered the purpose, much greater efforts would quickly follow; and that, without being allowed time, it was impossible they could bring their matters to bear. The petition, therefore, might be considered as written with a view to procrastinate matters. It was also plain, that a great majority of the nation approved of the measures of government; for addresses were received from all quarters, recommending in the most explicit manner vigorous exertion against America.

To the violent bickerings at home, some serious commercial misfortunes were now added from abroad. It had been represented as very probable, during the last session of parliament, that the bill for depriving the people of New England of the benefits of the Newfoundland fishery, would redound greatly to the interest of Great Britain, by throwing into her hands alone the profits which were formerly divided with the colonies. This expectation, however, proved totally void of foundation. The number of ships fitted out that year was scarcely greater than usual. The congress had also prohibited them from being supplied with provisions; so that not only those on board the ships, but even the inhabitants on the island of Newfoundland itself, were in danger of perishing. Many of the ships were therefore obliged to go in quest of provisions, instead of prosecuting the business on which they came. On the whole, therefore, the profits of the fishery suffered this year a diminution of nearly £500,000. Along with this, some natural causes co-operated, which, by the more superstitious, were considered as the effects of divine wrath. A most violent and uncommon storm took place in these latitudes during the fishing season. The sea arose full thirty feet above its ordinary level; and that with such rapidity, that no time was allowed for avoiding its fury. Upwards of 700 fishing boats perished, with all the people in them; and some ships foundered with their whole crews.

Ministers had determined on their plan of subjugating America; and the only difficulty was, how to put it in execution as quickly as possible. For this purpose, application was

made to the petty states of Germany, who had frequently sent auxiliaries to Britain in former cases of exigency. At present, however, the scheme met with considerable difficulties. The princes were alarmed at the appearance of losing so many subjects; while the latter were no less startled at the proposal of being transported across the ocean into a new world, there to be exposed to all the miseries of war. In these plans, therefore, for the most part, the administration were disappointed. All the states of Europe looked upon Britain with an invidious eye, though none so much as Holland and France. A very strong party in Holland contended for the American interest, and pamphlets were daily published at Amsterdam in justification of the colonies. Their case was compared with that of the Netherlands in former times; and they were exhorted to persevere in their claims. Great Britain they represented as insatiably covetous of wealth and power. Since her successes in the war of 1775, it was said, she had become intolerable, not only to her neighbours, but to the whole world. But, though these powers thus early expressed their hostile disposition towards Britain, it was otherwise with the princes of Hesse and Brunswick; by whom, and some other German princes of inferior note, a considerable number of troops were supplied. At the same time, as many British forces as possible were drawn from the garrisons of Gibraltar and Minorca, which were supplied in return with men from the electorate of Hanover. In justice to the ministers, indeed, it must be owned, that they prosecuted the scheme they had undertaken with all possible vigor; insomuch that the expenses already began to occasion considerable alarm. It had always been supposed, that the British army would be at once victorious; or at least would remain so far masters of the field, that they could easily command what supplies of provisions were necessary. Instead of this, they were now cooped up in such a manner as to be actually in danger of perishing for want. The supplies, therefore, of necessity, were sent from Britain; and the exertions for their relief were at once magnificent and ruinous. One advantage, however, was derived from this immense profusion; the price of every consumable commodity was augmented; that of shipping, particularly, rose one-fourth in the ton; and, though the profits made by contractors and their numerous friends were complained of, the benefits which accrued to multitudes employed in the various branches of public business seemed in some measure to make amends for every thing. Misfortune, however, now seemed to attend every scheme in which the ministers engaged. The sailing of the transports was delayed so long, that their voyages were lost. They remained for a long time wind-bound; and, after leaving port, met with such stormy weather, that they were tossed to and fro in the channel, till most of the live stock they had on board perished. After clearing the coast of England, their progress was retarded by a continuance of bad weather. They were forced by the periodical winds from the coast of America into the ocean.

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